I am absolutely not bothered by the fact that they are trying to portray me personally as a person associated with crime. I lived and worked in Khabarovsk for a very long time, in full view of everyone, and people know that this is complete nonsense. I understand perfectly well that a war has been launched against the regional branch of the LDPR, the party as a whole, and against me personally. But elections are always a war, so you shouldn’t be surprised.

Something else surprises and saddens me. After this story, I understood a lot about local media. Almost none of the journalists tried to get a comment either from me, or from our regional office, or even from the police! Most refer to “sources close to the investigation” and to each other. This is such a sad picture.

Concluding this conversation, I want to say the following: the voter in Khabarovsk is literate. Many already understand that this story is simply a provocation. Many will figure it out later. We (me personally and the regional branch of the LDPR) are not giving up the fight in the upcoming elections and are not going to give up.

Press service of KhRO LDPR

Analytics: what Sergei Furgal did during 2 months of governorship in the Khabarovsk Territory

The Vostok.today portal about the activities of the new head of the Khabarovsk Territory Sergei Furgal. We present its main provisions.

“In general, so far in the region the activities of the new governor are perceived rather positively: he introduced a ban on luxury, saving, as follows from the messages of his press service, 800 million rubles for the period until January 1, 2019. These funds are promised to be used for urgent social needs. And this, of course, is correct.

But this is a continuation of the election campaign. That campaign when Furgal opposed himself to his opponent, the ex-governor of the Khabarovsk Territory Vyacheslav Shport. Shport was showing off - Furgal was saving.

However, the elections are long over. And the new governor simply does not have time for a long build-up: this is not the situation. But, at least we have the impression that Sergei Furgal has not yet realized that the elections are long over, and continues to oppose himself to Vyacheslav Shport. And this is his main mistake. Because Shport is the past.

But people need the future and the present. For now, many residents of the Khabarovsk Territory are reveling in the joy of victory over the rather boring Shport and United Russia. But soon it will pass. And the same troubles and adversities for which voters blamed the outgoing governor will come to the fore: declining incomes, unemployment, poor medicine, high prices for food, services, expensive air tickets, etc.

And they will compare the new governor Sergei Furgal not with Shport at all, but ... with his colleagues - the heads of neighboring regions. For example, with the Kolyma governor Sergei Nosov, a very tough leader who instantly, in the very first days of work, showed the bureaucracy that it would no longer be possible to sit idle as before. And everyone immediately understood who was the boss in the region.

Did people in the Khabarovsk Territory understand that Sergei Furgal is the boss? Not a fact.

Where has Sergei Furgal been in two months? In Komsomolsk-on-Amur and Nikolaevsk-on-Amur.

The conversation was predominantly and very “dotted” about healthcare – both in Komsomolsk and Nikolaevsk.

This topic is close and understandable to Furgal - he is a doctor by training. In Komsomolsk, the governor inspected the children's hospital complex under construction; in Nikolaevsk, he promised that a new hospital would be commissioned here by 2020. People in Nikolaevsk complained about the shortage of doctors, especially specialized specialists, in Komsomolsk - about the same thing, and about the low salaries of doctors.

An incident arose regarding the salaries of doctors: answering a question from journalists, the Minister of Health of the Khabarovsk Territory, Alexander Vitko, said that only “lazy doctors” receive less than 47 thousand rubles a month. Journalists were outraged by this. Governor Furgal requested data on the real earnings of doctors, the highest and the lowest.

Everything would be fine. But the question arises: what, being a deputy of the State Duma of Russia from the Khabarovsk Territory, and, moreover, the deputy chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Committee on Health, Sergei Furgal had no information about the real salaries of doctors in his region? I didn’t know because I wasn’t interested? What did he do then? Furgal is not a Varangian, he is a native of Khabarovsk, he started his career as a politician from here.

In the second largest city of the Khabarovsk Territory, Komsomolsk-on-Amur, the situation with the mayor is in limbo.

Current mayor Andrey Klimov, leaves his post on December 13. He was also asked to resign by ex-governor Shport. Sergei Furgal, having taken office, invited Klimov to stay, but somehow incomprehensibly. As a result, somehow without the participation of the governor, in the second largest city in the region, it was “decided on its own” that Klimkin would leave after all.

The acting mayor, the City Duma decided, will be deputy Dmitry Glushkov. In his interviews, he already says that he will run for the post of mayor and go to the polls. He says - a lot and very convincingly - that the city of his youth is in a critical state, there is a crisis in key industries in the city. The future acting mayor says: “ Crisis managers will have to work.”

It turns out that there is a crisis in the city of presidential attention, which is Komsomolsk. But the governor doesn’t say anything like that. Elections for the head of the city will most likely be held in April 2019: this is the recommendation given by the regional Election Commission.

Sergei Furgal has not yet appeared in other municipalities. And this is definitely a mistake. The offended and abandoned province is one of the main reasons why Shport lost the elections.

Sergei Furgal did not travel to the province during the election campaign. He doesn’t favor her with attention even today.

Another news came from the federal center: five regions of the Far East will receive a total of 3 billion rubles, which they can spend at their discretion. These are Kamchatka, Primorye, Amur region, Sakhalin and Kolyma. This list does not include Chukotka, the Jewish Autonomous Region, Yakutia and the main, capital region of the Far Eastern Federal District - Khabarovsk Territory. There are also no “newcomers” - Buryatia and Transbaikalia. And the residents, of course, ask themselves – for now – the question: why? Why won't the capital region receive multimillion-dollar grants?

Grants, as stated in the government's statement, will be received by those regions of the Far Eastern Federal District that demonstrated the highest efficiency in collecting taxes and realizing tax potential in 2017. It turns out that the Khabarovsk Territory did not demonstrate? Then why did the same officials who were in the Shport team remain in all the key positions? People are already asking this question too. For now on social networks.

Scandal of the month - the United Russia faction in the Regional Duma initiated a law obliging the governor to coordinate the appointments of individual members of his government with the regional parliament. Judging by the reaction of Sergei Furgal and his press service, this event came as a complete surprise to them.

Furgal reacted to the media very late: he said that he had sent a negative review of the bill, recommending that the deputies “not engage in PR.” But the bill has already passed its first hearing. This means that the disagreement of the new head of the region with the law imposed on him, which significantly limits his power, was simply ignored.

To this we can add that the overwhelming majority of city mayors, heads of municipalities, and chairmen of municipal assemblies of deputies are United Russia members. How the new governor will build his relations with them is completely unclear. Furgal’s relationship with the business circles of the region is also unclear - there are no reports about this. Therefore, for now, there is no relationship. Of course, the new governor is communicating with someone, talking about something. But the region does not know about this. And in the region there are many large industrial enterprises - factories, ports.

Sergei Furgal still does not have his own team - many columns in the staffing table on the government website are still either empty or with the prefix “acting.”

The situation is more than alarming - after all, one of the components here is the population of the region. Will it turn out to be a “bargaining chip” in a big political game? And won't he soon regret his choice? At the last elections, Sergei Furgal received a huge credit of trust from the people. But, like any loan, it is finite.

Statistics from Khabarovskstat for January - September 2018 mercilessly show that the outflow of population from the region has increased compared to the same period in 2017: minus 5360 people against last year’s 4420.

Sergei Ivanovich Furgal was born in the Amur village of Poyarkovo. After graduating from the Blagoveshchensk State Medical Institute, he worked for almost seven years at the Poyarkovsky Central District Hospital, first as a general practitioner and then as a neurologist. Conducting a medical practice in a village hospital in the 1990s was, to put it mildly, not the most profitable occupation, and Sergei Ivanovich Furgal was simultaneously engaged in business. These were mainly imports of Chinese consumer goods.

Over the years, Sergei Furgal has established “business” connections with representatives. As a result, he left the hospital and moved to Khabarovsk, where he began by engaging in timber trading, heading the Alkuma company. At the same time, Sergei Ivanovich Furgal found a “roof” for his business from local crime boss Mikhail Timofeev. On the recommendation of Timofeev, Sergei Furgal began collecting scrap ferrous metals, heading the MiF group of companies.

Sergei Furgal and crime boss

Timofeev was well known in Khabarovsk, in particular for his closed sports club “Moses”, which could only be entered by “special recommendation”, and whose members terrified the entire city. In addition, he was friends with the son of Alexei Kostikov, who in those years headed the FSB Directorate for the Khabarovsk Territory. Mikhail Timofeev headed the Third March company, which was engaged in real estate, and also owned the Gray Horse diner, which was a gathering place crammed with wiretapping.

Mikhail Timofeev had a reputation in the region as a “lawless man” who was not stopped by any norms of behavior, even those accepted in the criminal community. It was rumored that the gang included about three hundred proven fighters, who had a record of extortion, murder, explosions, racketeering and kidnappings. Almost all major and high-profile crimes in Khabarovsk, as a rule, were associated with Timofeev’s group.

The criminal elements of Khabarovsk worked closely with the LDPR party, to which Furgal began to provide financial support. As a result, he was accepted into the ranks of the party and became the coordinator of its regional branch. In 2005, Sergei Ivanovich Furgal was on the first line of the regional list of candidates for deputies of the Legislative Duma of the Khabarovsk Territory. As a result, in those elections, the LDPR received two mandates in the Legislative Assembly, one of which went to Furgal. Sergei Ivanovich was not a deputy on a permanent basis. A year after his election, he headed the Far Eastern branch of the State Expertise of EMERCOM projects.

Having tried his hand at regional politics, Sergei Furgal wanted more and was included in the LDPR list for the elections to the State Duma of the fifth convocation. The elections were successful for him, and he received the coveted deputy mandate, taking the post of deputy chairman of the Duma Committee on Federal Affairs and Regional Policy.

Despite the fact that Sergei Furgal shifted his political activity from Khabarovsk to the federal level, he did not leave his post as head of the regional branch of the party. Thus, he did not want to take his hand off the pulse of the region, since it was there that all his business remained, which he did not part with, despite the law. Journalists claimed that when Sergei Furgal’s first term in the State Duma was coming to an end, he still held 50% of the shares of Alkum, as well as 50% of the shares of Khabarovskmetalltorg LLC, 50% of the shares of Mif-DV LLC and 50% shares of Dalpromsnab LLC. Companies traded timber, metal and other natural resources of the Far East.

In 2011, Mikhail Timofeev, who by that time had become Sergei Furgal’s assistant, was detained. It should be noted that the investigators working on the deputy’s assistant’s case almost immediately came under severe pressure. Several parliamentarians put in a good word for the Khabarovsk “authority.” The reason for the arrest was the outbreak of a war between Khabarovsk taxi drivers for the station point.

Sergei Ivanovich Furgal himself was not interested in law enforcement agencies, even despite his obvious connection with Timofeev, and the presence of a business that he owned while a deputy. Therefore, all the troubles did not prevent him from heading the regional list of the LDPR, which included the Khabarovsk Territory, and again entering the State Duma of the new convocation. Moreover, in the new composition Sergei Ivanovich headed the health care committee.

Meanwhile, his former assistant was involved in four criminal cases initiated on the facts of extorting money from taxi drivers as part of an organized criminal group. At the same time, the police immediately made it clear that the activities of the “Moiseevskys” in Khabarovsk were not limited to “protection protection” for taxi drivers. New criminal cases threatened serious purges in the region, which would affect the interests of Furgal himself.

Sergei Furgal in politics

However, the deputy, not wanting to lose his position, put forward his candidacy in the 2013 gubernatorial elections. The calculation was made not for victory, but for demonstrating their resources in the region. As a result, Sergei Furgal took second place, gaining almost 20% of the votes, thereby forcing the regional authorities to negotiate with him. In exchange for refusing to continue political activities in the region, the authorities agreed not to open new cases against Timofeev, and in the already opened cases he received only eight years in prison.

Carried away by political games in Khabarovsk, Sergei Furgal showed almost no signs of himself in the State Duma. He did not vote for half of the bills that were considered by that convocation; for the rest, there was total approval on his part. Heading the health care committee, Sergei Furgal did not pay any attention to the health care reform, which entailed the closure of clinics and hospitals, the deprivation of free medicines to beneficiaries, a decline in the quality of free medicine and the expansion of paid services.

Sergei Ivanovich Furgal quickly contributed to the ongoing reform. Having been elected from the Khabarovsk Territory, Sergei Furgal did not react in any way when paramedic stations and hospitals began to close en masse in the region. Instead of trying to stop this process, Furgal called for the development of remote medicine, in other words, an examination by a doctor via the Internet, and on a paid basis. The only initiative that Sergei Furgal noted concerned the proposal to oblige graduates of medical universities to work as assigned in a specific hospital or clinic for three to five years.

Sergei Ivanovich Furgal found a common language both with the party in power and with the leadership of the Khabarovsk Territory, in particular with Governor Vyacheslav Shport. United Russia and the Khabarovsk government supported him when he began his third parliamentary term. In fact, the regional authorities cleared one of the Khabarovsk electoral districts under Furgal. United Russia removed candidate Pavel Simigin, and another Khabarovsk oligarch Gennady Maltsev, who successfully collected all the signatures as a self-nominated candidate, refused the election in exchange for a high position, which the governor personally offered him. Thus, Furgal easily entered the State Duma for the third time.

Sergey Furgal and business

Sergei Furgal needed a deputy mandate, as before, not to defend the interests of his voters, but in order not to lose his immunity and continue to lobby the interests of his business. He still owned key shares in a number of industrial enterprises, including the Amurmetal plant. In Khabarovsk he even received the nickname “king of recycled metal.” And if, at the beginning of his career, his main partners were Khabarovsk authorities, now his connections have expanded significantly. Through the Ministry of Industry and Trade, he initiated a bill according to which all scrap metal from the Far Eastern District would go to the associated Amurmetal plant.

Sergei Furgal managed to encourage the Ministry of Industry and Trade to take such an initiative through, with whom he also established a strong connection. Although they say that later the deputy worked directly with the head of the ministry. For example, Sergei Ivanovich Furgal managed to push through the decision of the Ministry of Industry and Trade to close ports for the shipment of scrap metal for export. This made his company a monopolist of scrap in the region at the cost of tens of thousands of people left without work and idle ports. But Sergei Furgal was not worried that law enforcement agencies might be interested in these decisions. In this matter, he counted on his close friend Deputy Prosecutor General Yuri Gulyagin, who previously headed the department of the Ministry of Justice for the Far Eastern Federal District.

True, Sergei Ivanovich Furgal was now more careful in his business management. The founders of the same Amurmetal were his wife Larisa Starodubova and his assistant in the State Duma Nikolai Mistryukov. Both owned a metallurgical enterprise through the Torex company. Torex's assets were many times greater than the finances of all the companies declared by Furgal combined, and revenue for 2017 amounted to 3.1 billion rubles. Both Amurmetal and Torex were residents of the Territory of Advanced Socio-Economic Development (TASED).

Another major player in the Far Eastern metals market was Sergei Furgal’s brother Alexey, who owned the Amurstal trading house. By the way, the Furgalov family was not only business, but also politics. The same Alexey was a member of the LDPR party and was previously a member of the Amur Legislative Assembly. Two other brothers, Vyacheslav and Yuri, were also members of the LDPR. The first was a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Khabarovsk Territory, and the second of the Zeya City Council of People's Deputies in the Amur Region. Even Furgal’s son Anton was in Zhirinovsky’s party.

When Sergei Ivanovich Furgal decided to go to the gubernatorial elections for the second time in 2018, everyone was sure that this decision was agreed with the then head of the region, Vyacheslav Shport. Most likely, this was all true, since Shport needed a fairly representative, but “proven” sparring partner for the elections to look convincing. At the same time, Sergei Furgal had a good relationship with the governor, and his business in the region only flourished under him.

But unexpectedly, Sergei Ivanovich Furgal turned from a technical candidate into a real one. He was helped in this by the decision of the federal authorities to raise the retirement age, which was supported only by United Russia. Therefore, in the Khabarovsk Territory, as in many other regions, citizens voted not for Sergei Furgal, but against the United Russia governor. Of course, Khabarovsk residents were not very fond of Vyacheslav Shport, who was popularly nicknamed “Sobakevich,” but still, under other circumstances, most of his opponents would not have shown such activity. Therefore, Furgal was slightly surprised when he learned that, according to the voting results, he beat Shport by 675 votes and went with him to the second round.

After this, accusations of bribery and falsification appeared against both one and the other candidate. However, the applicants for the gubernatorial position themselves showed their unscrupulousness. At first, Shport promised Sergei Furgal the position of vice-governor in a video message, and then Sergei Furgal himself responded in the same format with his consent. But here he intervened in the matter, who believed that on a number of issues the Presidential Administration had dealt with his party, which is called not “according to concepts,” and decided to take revenge. He promised Furgal that he would approve his candidacy and advised him to go to the end. In addition, a number of “great” friends of Sergei Ivanovich Furgal also decided to take advantage of the current situation.

The Khabarovsk Liberal Provost listened to the party leadership and ultimately refused the governor’s proposal. In the second round, the Khabarovsk team, already feeling fresh blood, went to the polling stations to finish off Shport. Sergei Ivanovich Furgal won by a large margin, gaining 69.57% of the votes. The head of the Central Election Commission, Ella Pamfilova, said that the picture of vote counting looks clear, and the results “do not raise any doubts.”

Sergei Ivanovich Furgal has long been closely connected with both the authorities and the crime of the Khabarovsk Territory. Thanks to this, his metallurgical business has always flourished in the region. But when the residents of the region decided to express their distrust of the leadership of the region through the candidacy of Sergei Furgal during the elections, he was not at a loss and picked up the banner of protest. As a result, Sergei Furgal himself ended up in power. However, doubts arise whether a person who is satisfied with everything in the existing corruption system will want to change it in favor of citizens, or whether he will change only certain personalities in it.

Biography, life story of Furgal Sergei Ivanovich

Furgal Sergei Ivanovich is a Russian politician, deputy, businessman.

Family

Sergei was born in the village of Poyarkovo (Amur Region) on February 12, 1970. Grew up with three siblings. The oldest, Vyacheslav, was born on May 24, 1953. Vyacheslav made a political career. He was elected as a deputy of the Legislative Duma of the Khabarovsk Territory from the Liberal Democratic Party; for some time he was the head of the Far Eastern branch of the State Expertise of Projects of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Russia. Other brothers - Yuri (born April 5, 1966) and Alexey (born May 5, 1968) - also entered politics. Yuri was a deputy of the Zeya City Council of People's Deputies from the LDPR in 2009-2013, then became a mid-level leader. Alexey, also a member of the LDPR, became a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Amur Region in 2012.

The mother of Sergei and his brothers is an honorary resident of the village of Poyarkovo. Furgal's father participated in the Great Patriotic War.

Education

In 1992, Sergei Furgal graduated from the Blagoveshchensk State Medical Institute. After graduating from university, the young man received a diploma in the specialty “General Medicine”.

In 2010, Furgal received a master's degree in economics (specialization - "Public and Regional Management") from the Russian Academy of Public Administration under the President of the Russian Federation.

Career

From 1992 to 1999, Sergei Ivanovich held positions as a therapist and neurologist at the Central Regional Hospital in his native village of Poyarkovo. After leaving medicine, Furgal went into private business. For some time, Sergei imported various Chinese goods for everyday use. In 2000, Furgal took the position of General Director of Alkuma LLC, a timber trading company. In 2005, Sergei Ivanovich became the general director of Mif-Khabarovsk LLC (collection of scrap ferrous metals). In 2006, Sergei Furgal became the head of the Far Eastern branch of the Federal State Institution (federal government institution) “State examination of projects of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Russia.”

CONTINUED BELOW

In 2013 and 2018, Sergei Ivanovich applied for the post of governor of the Khabarovsk Territory. The LDPR party nominated him as a candidate. In 2013, Furgal took second place, gaining 19.14% of the votes. But in 2018 he won (69.57% of the votes) and took the coveted chair of the head of the region.

Personal life

Sergei Furgal and his wife have three children. One of Sergei’s offspring, son Anton (born August 2, 1991), followed in his father’s footsteps and joined the LDPR. In 2014, while still a university student, Anton nominated himself for the posts of deputies to the Khabarovsk City Duma in district No. 33 and to the Regional Duma in the Transport District, but was never elected.

Interesting facts

In 2008, Sergei Ivanovich was awarded a Certificate of Honor from the Chairman of the State Duma, Boris Vyacheslavovich Gryzlov, for his contribution to the development of legislation and parliamentarism in the Russian Federation.

In 2017, Sergei Furgal, according to official declarations provided by him, earned more than 4.5 million rubles.

Sergey Ivanovich – member of the State Duma Committee on Health Protection (since November 2015).

Sergei Ivanovich Furgal(born January 12; Poyarkovo, Mikhailovsky district, Amur region) - Russian politician. Deputy of the State Duma of the VII convocation from the LDPR, elected from Komsomolsky district No. 70 (Khabarovsk Territory). Previously also a State Duma deputy of the V-VI convocations on the LDPR list (since 2007). In the Duma of the sixth convocation, he served as chairman of the health protection committee from October 16, 2015 to October 2016. From 2007 to 2007, he was a deputy on a non-permanent basis. Master of Economics.

Biography

Then he went into business. At first, in the 1990s, it was the import of Chinese consumer goods. Then - timber trade.

He financed the work and development of the Khabarovsk regional branch of the LDPR.

In 2000 - General Director of Alkuma LLC (timber trade), then General Director of Mif-Khabarovsk LLC.

By mid-2005, Sergei Furgal was the general director of MIF-Khabarovsk LLC (collection of scrap ferrous metals), a member of the LDPR and coordinator of the Khabarovsk regional branch of the LDPR.

Member of the Khabarovsk Territory Duma

In October 2005, the LDPR party put forward a regional list of candidates for deputies of the Legislative Duma of the Khabarovsk Territory of the fourth convocation, where Sergei Furgal was number one.

On October 16, 2015, he took up the position of Chairman of the Health Protection Committee. LDPR deputy Sergei Kalashnikov, who previously held this position, was appointed senator from the Bryansk region. In the sixth convocation, this committee, as a result of an agreement between the parties, was given to the LDPR for the first time.

In March 2016, he proposed obliging graduates of medical universities to work as assigned in a specific hospital or clinic for three to five years.

In the summer of 2016, he was nominated by the LDPR party for the elections to the State Duma of the seventh convocation in the Komsomol single-mandate district No. 70. Even before the elections, the district was called negotiated and agreed upon under Sergei Furgal, since United Russia did not nominate its candidate. In the elections, Furgal received a majority of votes (39.9%), ahead of the Communist Party candidate Vadim Voevodin.

Property and income

In 2006, income amounted to 691.3 thousand rubles - received from the government of the Khabarovsk Territory, MIF-Khabarovsk LLC (collection of scrap ferrous metals) and the Far Eastern branch of the State Expertise of Projects of the Ministry of Emergency Situations. He had a deposit in Regionbank of 10.9 million rubles. He owned a house in Khabarovsk (328.1 m²), apartments in Khabarovsk (29.9 m²) and Primorye (60.4 m²), two Toyota cars from 1997-98, one Nissan from 1991 and a special truck crane. In addition, at that time, Sergei Furgal owned 43.75% of the timber trading LLC Alkuma, 5% each of the trading LLC MIF-DV and LLC Dalpromsnab, 5% of the construction LLC Opt-region and 16.5% of the financial intermediary LLC "Modern City".

In 2013, income amounted to 2,477,235 rubles (deputy’s salary, received from the State Duma apparatus). Owned three land plots: two in the Moscow region (2500 m² and 2000 m²) and one in the Khabarovsk Territory (1000 m²), one house in Khabarovsk (328.1 m²), one apartment in Khabarovsk (29.9 m²), two cars : Lexus LS 600h L (2008) and Tadano crane (1972). He also owned shares in three companies: LLC Production Company Khabarovskmetalltorg (50%), LLC Alkuma (50%), LLC Mif-DV (50%).

In 2015, income amounted to 4,735,560.13 rubles (deputy’s salary, received from the State Duma apparatus). Owned three plots of land: two in the Moscow region (2500 m² and 2000 m²) and one in the Khabarovsk Territory (1000 m²), three houses: one in the Moscow region (627.2 m²) and two in the Khabarovsk Territory (328.1 m² and 66.2 m²), three apartments: two in the Khabarovsk Territory (47.7 m² and 29.9 m²) and one in the Primorsky Territory (76.9 m²) and two cars: Lexus LS 600h L (2008) and Lexus GX 460 (2011). In addition, he had 8 bank accounts totaling RUB 47,272.97.

Awards

In 2008, he was awarded a Certificate of Honor from the Chairman of the State Duma B.V. Gryzlov for his significant contribution to the development of legislation and parliamentarism in the Russian Federation.

Family

Son - Anton Furgal (born August 2, 1991). Also a member of the Liberal Democratic Party. In 2014, as a student, he ran for the Khabarovsk City Duma in district No. 33 and for the regional Duma in the Transport District (No. 4 on the list). Was not elected.

The elder brother is Vyacheslav Furgal, also a politician, deputy of the Legislative Duma of the Khabarovsk Territory from the Liberal Democratic Party. Two other brothers - Yuri and Alexey, also in politics, but in the Amur region. Alexey Furgal is a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Amur Region, Yuri Furgal is a deputy of the city of Zeya. All brothers are members of the Liberal Democratic Party.

The mother of the Furgal brothers is an honorary resident of the village of Poyarkovo.

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Notes

Links

• . State Duma
• . State Duma Committee on Health Protection. Retrieved August 25, 2016.
• . LDPR. Retrieved August 25, 2016.
• . TASS. Retrieved August 25, 2016.

Excerpt characterizing Furgal, Sergey Ivanovich

Pierre has hardly changed in his external techniques. He looked exactly the same as he had been before. Just as before, he was distracted and seemed preoccupied not with what was in front of his eyes, but with something special of his own. The difference between his previous and present state was that before, when he forgot what was in front of him, what was said to him, he, wrinkling his forehead in pain, seemed to be trying and could not see something far away from him . Now he also forgot what was said to him and what was in front of him; but now, with a barely noticeable, seemingly mocking, smile, he peered at what was in front of him, listened to what was being said to him, although obviously he saw and heard something completely different. Before, although he seemed to be a kind person, he was unhappy; and therefore people involuntarily moved away from him. Now a smile of the joy of life constantly played around his mouth, and his eyes shone with concern for people - the question: are they as happy as he is? And people were pleased in his presence.
Before, he talked a lot, got excited when he spoke, and listened little; Now he rarely got carried away in conversation and knew how to listen so that people willingly told him their most intimate secrets.
The princess, who had never loved Pierre and had a particularly hostile feeling towards him since, after the death of the old count, she felt obliged to Pierre, to her chagrin and surprise, after a short stay in Orel, where she came with the intention of proving to Pierre that, Despite his ingratitude, she considers it her duty to follow him; the princess soon felt that she loved him. Pierre did nothing to ingratiate himself with the princess. He just looked at her with curiosity. Previously, the princess felt that in his gaze at her there was indifference and mockery, and she, as before other people, shrank before him and showed only her fighting side of life; now, on the contrary, she felt that he seemed to be digging into the most intimate aspects of her life; and she, at first with distrust, and then with gratitude, showed him the hidden good sides of her character.
The most cunning person could not have more skillfully insinuated himself into the princess’s confidence, evoking her memories of the best time of her youth and showing sympathy for them. Meanwhile, Pierre’s whole cunning consisted only in the fact that he sought his own pleasure, evoking human feelings in the embittered, dry and proud princess.
“Yes, he is a very, very kind person when he is under the influence not of bad people, but of people like me,” the princess said to herself.
The change that took place in Pierre was noticed in their own way by his servants, Terenty and Vaska. They found that he had slept a lot. Terenty often, having undressed the master, with boots and dress in his hand, wishing him good night, hesitated to leave, waiting to see if the master would enter into conversation. And for the most part Pierre stopped Terenty, noticing that he wanted to talk.
- Well, tell me... how did you get food for yourself? - he asked. And Terenty began a story about the Moscow ruin, about the late count, and stood for a long time with his dress, telling, and sometimes listening to, Pierre’s stories, and, with a pleasant consciousness of the master’s closeness to him and friendliness towards him, he went into the hallway.
The doctor who treated Pierre and visited him every day, despite the fact that, according to the duties of doctors, he considered it his duty to look like a man whose every minute is precious for suffering humanity, sat for hours with Pierre, telling his favorite stories and observations on the morals of patients in general and especially ladies.
“Yes, it’s nice to talk to such a person, not like here in the provinces,” he said.
Several captured French officers lived in Orel, and the doctor brought one of them, a young Italian officer.
This officer began to visit Pierre, and the princess laughed at the tender feelings that the Italian expressed towards Pierre.
The Italian, apparently, was happy only when he could come to Pierre and talk and tell him about his past, about his home life, about his love and pour out his indignation at the French, and especially at Napoleon.
“If all Russians are even a little like you,” he said to Pierre, “est un sacrilege que de faire la guerre a un peuple comme le votre. [It’s blasphemy to fight with a people like you.] You, who have suffered so much from the French, you don’t even have any malice against them.
And Pierre now deserved the Italian’s passionate love only because he evoked in him the best sides of his soul and admired them.
During the last period of Pierre's stay in Oryol, his old freemason acquaintance, Count Villarsky, came to see him, the same one who introduced him to the lodge in 1807. Villarsky was married to a rich Russian woman who had large estates in the Oryol province, and occupied a temporary position in the city in the food department.
Having learned that Bezukhov was in Orel, Villarsky, although he had never been briefly acquainted with him, came to him with those statements of friendship and closeness that people usually express to each other when meeting in the desert. Villarsky was bored in Orel and was happy to meet a person of the same circle as himself and with the same, as he believed, interests.
But, to his surprise, Villarsky soon noticed that Pierre was very far behind real life and had fallen, as he himself defined Pierre, into apathy and selfishness.
“Vous vous encroutez, mon cher,” he told him. Despite this, Villarsky was now more pleasant with Pierre than before, and he visited him every day. For Pierre, looking at Villarsky and listening to him now, it was strange and incredible to think that he himself had very recently been the same.
Villarsky was married, a family man, busy with the affairs of his wife’s estate, his service, and his family. He believed that all these activities were a hindrance in life and that they were all despicable because they were aimed at the personal good of him and his family. Military, administrative, political, and Masonic considerations constantly absorbed his attention. And Pierre, without trying to change his view, without judging him, with his now constantly quiet, joyful mockery, admired this strange phenomenon, so familiar to him.
In his relations with Villarsky, with the princess, with the doctor, with all the people with whom he now met, Pierre had a new trait that earned him the favor of all people: this recognition of the ability of each person to think, feel and look at things in his own way; recognition of the impossibility of words to dissuade a person. This legitimate characteristic of every person, which previously worried and irritated Pierre, now formed the basis of the participation and interest that he took in people. The difference, sometimes the complete contradiction of people's views with their lives and with each other, pleased Pierre and aroused in him a mocking and gentle smile.