Affective disorders history of studying the main theoretical models. Etiology of affective disorders

Moscow State University named after. M. V. Lomonosova

Faculty of Psychology

Abstract on the course
"clinical psychology"
on topic:
Psychological Models of Affective Disorders

Completed:
Second year student d/o
Migunova M.Yu.

Moscow 2011

1. Brief characteristics of affective disorders
2. Factors in the development of mood disorders
* Genetic
*Biological

3. Psychological models of affective disorders
* Psychoanalytic model
* Behaviorist model
*Cognitive model
4. Conclusion
5. References

Brief characteristics of affective disorders

Affective disorder (Mood disorder) is a mental disorder associated with disturbances in the emotional sphere. The contribution of biological factors to the development of affective disorder is approximately equal to the contribution of psychological ones, which makes it interesting to study from the point of view of both medicine and psychology, and in particular clinical psychology.
The number of people suffering from mood disorders is increasing every year. So, if in the 1970s the prevalence of people who had at least one depressive episode throughout their lives was only 0.4 - 0.8%, in the 1990s it was already 5-10%, in the 2000s - 10-20%, according to various researchers. In addition, people who did not go to specialized medical institutions and were not included in the results of these data should be taken into account.
The prevalence of affective spectrum disorders among men and women is approximately equal, which suggests that such disorders are not related to differences in hormonal levels. When talking about mood disorders, we distinguish depressive states, mania, and mixed affective states.
Depression refers to depressed mood, which can sometimes include anxiety or irritability; the concept of depression in the sense of a clinical syndrome covers, along with these signs of emotional disorder, a whole range of symptoms in the cognitive-motivational sphere (negative self-esteem, impaired concentration, loss of interest in life, etc.), in the behavioral sphere (passive-inhibited or anxious-agitated behavior, reduction in social contacts, etc.) and in the somatic sphere (sleep and appetite disorders, fatigue, etc.). Whether there are smooth transitions between subclinical depressive mood and clinical depressive disorders continues to be debated (Grove & Andreasen, 1992, Costello, 1993).
Manic episodes are characterized by:
a) exaggerated euphoric emotions (or excessive anger and irritability);
b) motivational disorders in the form of overmotivation, impulsivity and hyperactivity;
c) decreased need for sleep.
In manic states, a state of euphoria (or irritability) and hyperactivity occurs. Euphoric joy is seen here as the basis of excessive motivation, which in turn leads to frantic, often poorly coordinated activity. Despite the frequent lack of positive results from actions, the euphoric mood during manic phases most often persists, since negative results are interpreted as positive and do not contribute to the assessment of opportunities for future actions. Thus, cognitions and reality are separated, which means that such emotions are not adequate to reality.
The main forms of affective disorders according to ICD-10 are:
1. Bipolar disorder
2. Depressive episode3. Manic episode
4. Recurrent depressive disorder
5. Chronic affective disorder (dysthymia, cyclothymia)

Factors in the development of mood disorders

In addition to psychogenic influences, genetic and biological factors can be identified that influence the occurrence and development of affective spectrum disorders in an individual.
Genetic factors
Can...

Etiology of affective disorders

There are many different approaches to the etiology of affective disorders. This section primarily discusses the role of genetic factors and childhood experiences in shaping the predisposition to develop mood disorders in adulthood. It then looks at stressors that can trigger mood disorders. What follows is a review of the psychological and biochemical factors through which predisposing factors and stressors may lead to the development of mood disorders. In all these aspects, researchers study mainly depressive disorders, with much less attention paid to mania. Compared to most other chapters in this book, etiology is given particularly large space here; the aim is to show how several different types of research can be used to solve the same clinical problem.

GENETIC FACTORS

Hereditary factors are studied mainly in moderate to severe cases of affective disorder - more so than in milder cases (those to which some researchers apply the term "neurotic depression"). Most family studies estimate that parents, siblings, and children of people with major depression have a 10–15% risk of developing a mood disorder, compared with 1–2% in the general population. It is also a generally accepted fact that there is no increased incidence of schizophrenia among relatives of probands with depression.

The results of the twin study certainly suggest that these high rates in families are largely due to genetic factors. Thus, based on a review of seven twin studies (Price 1968), it was concluded that for manic-depressive psychosis in monozygotic twins reared together (97 pairs) and separately (12 pairs), concordance was 68% and 67%, respectively, and in dizygotic twins (119 pairs) - 23%. Similar percentages were found in studies conducted in Denmark (Bertelsen et al. 1977).

Studies of adopted children also point to a genetic etiology. Thus, Cadoret (1978a) studied eight children adopted (shortly after birth) by healthy married couples, each of whom had one of the biological parents suffering from an affective disorder. Three of the eight developed a mood disorder, versus just eight of the 118 adopted children whose biological parents either had other mental disorders or were healthy. In a study of 29 adopted children with bipolar affective disorder, Mendelwicz and Rainer (1977) found mental disorders (primarily, although not exclusively, mood disorders) in 31% of their biological parents versus only 12% of their adoptive parents. In Denmark, Wender et al. (1986) conducted a study of adopted children previously treated for major affective disorder. Based on the material of 71 cases, a significantly increased frequency of such disorders was revealed among biological relatives, while in relation to the adoptive family, no similar pattern was observed (each group of relatives was compared with the corresponding group of relatives of healthy adopted children).

Until now, no distinction has been made between cases in which only depression is present (unipolar disorders) and cases with a history of mania (bipolar disorders). Leonhard et al. (1962) were the first to present data showing that bipolar disorders are more common in families of probands with bipolar than with unipolar forms of the disease. These conclusions were subsequently confirmed by the results of several studies (see: Nurnberger, Gershon 1982 - review). However, these studies have also demonstrated that unipolar cases often occur in families of both “unipolar” and “bipolar” probands; It appears that unipolar disorders, unlike bipolar disorders, are not “transmitted in such a pure form” to offspring (see, for example, Angst 1966). Bertelsen et al. (1977) reported higher concordance rates in monozygotic twin pairs for bipolar than for unipolar disorders (74% versus 43%), also suggesting a stronger genetic influence in cases of bipolar disorder.

The few genetic studies of “neurotic depression” (they constitute a minority in the total volume of such work) have revealed increased rates of depressive disorders - both neurotic and other types - in families of probands. However, in studies of twins, similar rates of concordance were obtained in monozygotic and dizygotic pairs, which should be considered a discovery regardless of whether concordance was determined by the presence of the second twin also having “neurotic depression” or, more broadly interpreted, depressive disorder of any kind. Such data suggest that genetic factors are not the main reason for the increased incidence of depressive states in families of patients with “neurotic depression” (see: McGuffin, Katz 1986).

There are conflicting theories regarding type of hereditary transmission, because the frequency distribution of cases observed in family members who are related to the proband by varying degrees of relatedness does not fit well with any of the major genetic models. As most family studies of depressive disorders show, women predominate among those affected by these diseases, which suggests sex-linked inheritance, probably of a dominant gene, but with incomplete penetrance. At the same time, a significant number of reports of hereditary transmission from father to son testify against such a model (see, for example, Gershon et al. 1975): after all, sons must receive the X chromosome from the mother, since only the father passes on the Y chromosome .

Attempts to identify genetic markers for mood disorder were unsuccessful. There are reports of an association between affective disorder and color blindness, blood group Xg and certain HLA antigens, but this is not confirmed (see Gershon and Bunney 1976; also Nurnberger and Gershon 1982). Recently, molecular genetic techniques have been used to search for links between identifiable genes and manic-depressive disorder in members of large families. Old Order Amish ancestry research conducted in North America has suggested an association with two markers on the short arm of chromosome 11, namely the insulin gene and a cellular oncogene Ha-ras-1(Egeland et al. 1987). This position is interesting in that it is close to the location of the gene that controls the enzyme tyrosine hydroxylase, which is involved in the synthesis of catecholamines - substances involved in the etiology of affective disorder (see). However, the association with the above two markers is not supported by findings from a family study conducted in Iceland (Hodgkinson et al. 1987) or from a study of three families in North America (Detera-Wadleigh et al. 1987). Research of this type offers great promise, but much more work will be required before the overall significance of the findings can be assessed objectively. Already today, however, modern research strongly indicates that the clinical picture of major depressive disorder can be formed as a result of the action of more than one genetic mechanism, and this seems extremely important.

Some studies have found an increased incidence of other mental disorders in families of probands with affective disorders. This suggested that these mental disorders may be etiologically related to affective disorder - an idea expressed in the title "depressive spectrum disease". This hypothesis has not yet been confirmed. Helzer and Winokur (1974) reported an increase in the prevalence of alcoholism among relatives of manic male probands, but Morrison (1975) found such an association only when the probands also had alcoholism in addition to a depressive disorder. Similarly, Winokur et al. (1971) reported an increased prevalence of antisocial personality disorder (“sociopathy”) among male relatives of probands with depressive disorder onset before age 40, but this finding was not confirmed by Gershon et al. (1975).

PHYSICAL AND PERSONALITY

Kretschmer put forward the idea that people with picnic build(stocky, dense, with a rounded figure) are especially prone to affective illnesses (Kretschmer 1936). But subsequent studies using objective measurement methods failed to identify any stable relationship of this kind (von Zerssen 1976).

Kraepelin suggested that people with cyclothymic personality type(i.e., those with persistent mood swings over a long period of time) are more likely to develop manic-depressive disorder (Kraepelin 1921). It was subsequently reported that this association appears to be stronger in bipolar disorders than in unipolar disorders (Leonhard et al. 1962). However, if personality assessment was carried out in the absence of information about the type of disease, then a predominance of cyclothymic personality traits was not found in bipolar patients (Tellenbach 1975).

No single personality type appears to predispose to unipolar depressive disorders; in particular, with depressive personality disorder such a connection is not observed. Clinical experience shows that in this regard, personality traits such as obsessive traits and readiness to express anxiety are of greatest importance. These traits are hypothesized to be important because they largely determine the nature and intensity of a person's response to stress. Unfortunately, the data obtained from studying the personality of patients with depression are often of little value because the studies were conducted during a period when the patient was depressed, and in this case the assessment results cannot provide an adequate picture of premorbid personality.

EARLY ENVIRONMENT

Mother's deprivation

Psychoanalysts argue that deprivation of maternal love in childhood due to separation or loss of the mother predisposes to depressive disorders in adulthood. Epidemiologists have tried to find out what proportion of the total number of adults suffering from depressive disorder are people who experienced the loss of parents or separation from them in childhood. Almost all such studies were subject to significant methodological errors. The results obtained are contradictory; Thus, when studying the materials of 14 studies (Paykel 1981), it turned out that seven of them confirmed the hypothesis under consideration, and seven did not. Other studies have demonstrated that the death of a parent is associated not with depressive disorders, but with other subsequent disorders in the child, for example, psychoneurosis, alcoholism, and antisocial personality disorder (see Paykel 1981). Therefore, at present, the relationship between parental loss in childhood and later onset depressive disorder appears uncertain. If it exists at all, it is weak and apparently nonspecific.

Relationships with parents

When examining a depressed patient, it is difficult to retrospectively establish what kind of relationship he had with his parents in childhood; after all, his memories can be distorted by many factors, including the depressive disorder itself. In connection with such problems, it is difficult to come to definite conclusions regarding the etiological significance of some features of relationships with parents noted in a number of publications on this issue. This concerns, in particular, reports that patients with mild depressive disorders (neurotic depression) - in contrast to healthy people (control group) or patients suffering from major depressive disorders - usually recall that their parents were less caring as much as overprotective (Parker 1979).

PRECIPITATING (“MANIFESTING”) FACTORS

Recent life (stressful) events

According to everyday clinical observations, depressive disorder often follows stressful events. However, before concluding that stressful events are the cause of later onset depressive disorders, several other possibilities must be ruled out. Firstly, the indicated sequence in time may not be a manifestation of a causal relationship, but the result of a random coincidence. Second, the association may not be specific: approximately the same number of stressful events may occur in the weeks preceding the onset of some diseases of other types. Thirdly, the connection may be imaginary; sometimes the patient tends to regard events as stressful only in retrospect, trying to find an explanation for his illness, or he could perceive them as stressful because he was already in a state of depression at that time.

Attempts have been made to find ways to overcome these difficulties by developing appropriate research methods. To answer the first two questions—whether the temporal sequence of events is due to coincidence, and, if there is any real association, whether the association is nonspecific—it is necessary to use control groups appropriately selected from the general population and from individuals suffering from other diseases. To solve the third problem - whether the connection is imaginary - two other approaches are required. The first approach (Brown et al. 1973b) is to separate events that would certainly not have been affected in any way by illness (for example, loss of a job due to the liquidation of an entire enterprise) from those circumstances that might be secondary to to him (for example, the patient was left without a job, while none of his colleagues were fired). When implementing the second approach (Holmes, Rahe 1967), each event from the point of view of its “stressogenicity” is assigned a certain assessment, reflecting the general opinion of healthy people.

Using these methods, an increased frequency of stressful events has been noted in the months before the onset of depressive disorder (Paykel et al. 1969; Brown and Harris 1978). However, along with this, it has been shown that an excess of such events also precedes suicide attempts, the onset of neurosis and schizophrenia. To estimate the relative importance of life events for each of these conditions, Paykel (1978) used a modified form of epidemiological measures of relative risk. He found that the risk of developing depression within six months after a person had experienced a clearly threatening life event increased sixfold. The risk of schizophrenia under such conditions increases two to four times, and the risk of attempting suicide increases seven times. Researchers using a different method of assessment, “follow-up observation” (Brown et al. 1973a), came to similar conclusions.

Are there specific events that are more likely to trigger depressive disorder? Because depressive symptoms occur as part of the normal response to bereavement, it has been suggested that loss due to separation or death may be of particular importance. However, research suggests that not all individuals with depressive symptoms report experiencing loss. For example, a review of eleven studies (Paykel 1982) that specifically emphasized recent separations found the following. In six of these studies, depressed individuals reported more separation anxiety than controls, suggesting some specificity; however, in five other studies, depressed patients did not mention the importance of separation. On the other hand, among those who experienced bereavement events, only 10% developed a depressive disorder (Paykel 1974). Thus, the available data do not yet indicate any strong specificity of events that may cause depressive disorder.

There is even less certainty about whether mania is triggered by life events. Previously, it was believed that it was entirely due to endogenous causes. However, clinical experience suggests that in some cases the disease is triggered, sometimes by events that can cause depression in others (for example, bereavement).

Predisposing life events

Clinicians very often have the impression that the events immediately preceding a depressive disorder act as the “last straw” for a person who has already been exposed to unfavorable circumstances for a long period - such as an unhappy marriage, problems at work, unsatisfactory housing conditions. conditions. Brown and Harris (1978) classified predisposing factors into two types. The first type includes prolonged stressful situations, which can themselves cause depression, as well as aggravate the consequences of short-term life events. The above-mentioned authors named such factors long-term difficulties. Predisposing factors of the second type by themselves are not capable of leading to the development of depression; their role is reduced to the fact that they enhance the effect of short-term life events. In relation to such circumstances, the term usually used is vulnerability factor. In fact, there is no sharp, clearly defined boundary between factors of these two types. Thus, long-term troubles in marital life (long-term difficulties) are probably associated with a lack of trusting relationships, and Brown defines the latter as a vulnerability factor.

Brown and Harris, in a study of a group of working-class women living in Camberwell in London, found three circumstances that acted as factors of vulnerability: the need to care for young children, lack of work outside the home and lack of a confidant - someone you can rely on. In addition, certain past events were found to increase vulnerability, namely the loss of a mother due to death or separation occurring before the age of 11 years.

Upon further research, the conclusions about the four listed factors did not receive convincing support. In a study of rural populations in the Hebrides, Brown was able to reliably confirm only one of his four factors, namely the presence of three children under the age of 14 in the family (Brown and Prudo 1981). As for other studies, the results of one of them (Campbell et al. 1983) confirm the latter observation, but three studies (Solomon and Bromet 1982; Costello 1982; Bebbington et al. 1984) did not find evidence in its favor. Another factor of vulnerability has received greater recognition - the absence of a person you can trust (lack of “intimacy”); Brown and Harris (1986) cite eight studies that support it and mention two that do not. Thus, the evidence to date does not fully support Brown's interesting idea that certain life circumstances increase vulnerability. Although it has been repeatedly reported that lack of close relationships appears to increase vulnerability to depressive disorder, this information can be interpreted in three ways. First, such data may indicate that being unable to confide in anyone makes the person more vulnerable. Secondly, this may indicate that during the period of depression the patient’s perception of the degree of intimacy achieved before the development of this condition is distorted. Thirdly, it is possible that some hidden underlying reason determines both the person’s difficulty in trusting others and his vulnerability to depression.

Recently, the focus has shifted from these external factors to intrapsychic factors - low self-esteem. Brown suggested that vulnerability factors are partly realized through a decrease in self-esteem, and, as intuition suggests, this point, most likely, should indeed be significant. However, self-esteem is difficult to measure and its role as a predisposing factor has not yet been demonstrated by research.

A review of evidence supporting and against the vulnerability model can be found in Brown and Harris (1986) and Tennant (1985).

Impact of somatic diseases

The links between physical illness and depressive disorders are described in Chap. 11. It should be noted here that some conditions are much more likely to be accompanied by depression than others; these include, for example, influenza, infectious mononucleosis, parkinsonism, and certain endocrine disorders. It is believed that after some operations, especially hysterectomies and sterilizations, depressive disorders also occur more frequently than could be explained by chance. However, such clinical impressions are not supported by prospective studies (Gath et al. 1982a; Cooper et al. 1982). It is likely that many somatic diseases can act as nonspecific stressors in provoking depressive disorders, and only a few of them as specific ones. From time to time there are reports of the development of mania in connection with medical diseases (for example, with a brain tumor, viral infections), drug therapy (especially when taking steroids) and surgery (see: Krauthammer, Klerman 1978 - review of data). However, based on these contradictory information, no definite conclusion can be drawn regarding the etiological role of the listed factors.

It is also necessary to mention here that the postpartum period (although childbirth is not a disease) is associated with an increased risk of developing an affective disorder (see the corresponding subsection of Chapter 12).

PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES OF ETIOLOGY

These theories examine the psychological mechanisms by which recent and distant life experiences may lead to depressive disorders. The literature on this issue generally does not adequately distinguish between an individual symptom of depression and a depressive disorder syndrome.

Psychoanalysis

The beginning of the psychoanalytic theory of depression was laid by Abraham's article in 1911; it was further developed in Freud's work “Sadness and Melancholia” (Freud 1917). Drawing attention to the similarities between the manifestations of sadness and the symptoms of depressive disorders, Freud hypothesized that their causes may be similar. It is important to note the following: Freud did not believe that all major depressive disorders necessarily have the same cause. Thus, he explained that some disorders “suggest the presence of somatic rather than psychogenic lesions,” and pointed out that his ideas should be applied only to those cases in which “the psychogenic nature is beyond doubt” (1917, p. 243). Freud suggested that just as sadness arises from loss due to death, so melancholia develops from loss due to other causes. Since it is clear that not everyone who suffers from depression has suffered a real loss, it has become necessary to postulate the loss of "some abstraction" or internal representation, or, in Freud's terminology, the loss of an "object."

Noting that depressed patients often seem critical of themselves, Freud suggested that such self-accusation is actually a disguised accusation directed at someone else - a person for whom the patient is "attached." In other words, depression was thought to occur when a person experiences both feelings of love and hostility (i.e., ambivalence) at the same time. If the beloved “object” is lost, the patient falls into despair; at the same time, any hostile feelings related to this “object” are redirected towards the patient himself in the form of self-blame.

Along with these reaction mechanisms, Freud also identified predisposing factors. In his opinion, the depressed patient regresses, returning to an early stage of development - the oral stage, in which sadistic feelings are strong. Klein (1934) developed this idea further by suggesting that the infant must become confident that when his mother leaves him, she will return, even if he is angry. This hypothetical stage of cognition was called the “depressive position.” Klein hypothesized that children who did not successfully pass this stage were more likely to develop depression in adulthood.

Subsequently, important modifications of Freud's theory were presented by Bibring (1953) and Jacobson (1953). They hypothesized that loss of self-esteem plays a leading role in depressive disorders, and further suggested that self-esteem is affected not only by experiences in the oral phase, but also by failures in later stages of development. Still, it should be taken into account that although low self-esteem is certainly included as one of the components in the depressive disorder syndrome, there is still no clear data regarding the frequency of its occurrence before the onset of the disease. It has also not been proven that low self-esteem is more common among those who subsequently develop depressive disorders than among those who do not.

According to psychodynamic theory, mania occurs as a defense against depression; for most cases this explanation cannot be considered convincing.

A review of the psychoanalytic literature on depression can be found in Mendelson (1982).

Learned helplessness

This explanation of depressive disorders is based on experimental work with animals. Seligman (1975) originally proposed that depression develops when reward or punishment no longer has a clear relationship with the individual's actions. Research has shown that animals in a special experimental situation in which they cannot control stimuli that entail punishment develop a behavioral syndrome known as “learned helplessness.” The characteristic symptoms of this syndrome have some similarities with the symptoms of depressive disorders in humans; Particularly typical is a decrease in voluntary activity and food consumption. The original hypothesis was subsequently expanded to state that depression occurs when “the achievement of the most desirable outcomes seems virtually impossible, or a highly undesirable outcome seems highly likely, and the individual believes that no response (on his part) will change this likelihood” (Abrahamson et al . 1978, p. 68). This work by Abrahamson, Seligman, and Teasdale (1978) has received quite a bit of attention, perhaps more on account of its title (“learned helplessness”) than its scientific merits.

Animal separation experiments

The idea that the loss of a loved one may be a cause of depressive disorders has prompted numerous experiments on primates to understand the effects of separation. In most cases, such experiments considered the separation of cubs from their mothers, much less often - the separation of adult primates. The data obtained in this way are essentially not absolutely relevant to humans, since depressive disorders may never arise in young children (see Chapter 20). Nevertheless, such studies are of some interest, deepening the understanding of the consequences of separation of human infants from their mothers. In a particularly careful series of experiments, Hinde and his colleagues studied the effects of separating an infant rhesus monkey from its mother (see Hinde 1977). These experiments confirmed earlier observations indicating that separation causes distress in both the calf and the mother. After the initial period of calling and searching, the cub becomes less active, eats and drinks less, withdraws from contact with other monkeys, and resembles a sad human being in appearance. Hinde and his associates found that this reaction to separation depends on many other variables, including the couple's "relationship" prior to separation.

Compared with the effects of separating young infants from their mothers described above, pubertal monkeys separated from their peer group did not show a significant stage of “desperation”, but instead exhibited more active exploratory behavior (McKinney et al. 1972). Moreover, when 5-year-old monkeys were removed from their family groups, the response was observed only when they were housed alone and did not occur when they were housed with other monkeys, some of whom were already familiar to them (Suomi et al. 1975).

Thus, although much can be learned from studies of the effects of separation anxiety in primates, it would be imprudent to use the findings to support a particular etiological theory of depressive disorders in humans.

Cognitive theories

Most psychiatrists believe that the dark thoughts of depressed patients are secondary to a primary mood disorder. However, Beck (1967) suggested that this “depressive thinking” may be the primary disorder, or at least a powerful factor exacerbating and maintaining such a disorder. Beck divides depressive thinking into three components. The first component is a stream of “negative thoughts” (for example: “I am a failure as a mother”); the second is a certain shift in ideas, for example, the patient is convinced that a person can only be happy when he is literally loved by everyone. The third component is a series of “cognitive distortions”, which can be illustrated by four examples: “arbitrary inference” is expressed in the fact that conclusions are drawn without any reason or even despite the presence of evidence to the contrary; with “selective abstraction,” attention is focused on some detail, while more significant characteristics of the situation are ignored; “overgeneralization” is characterized by the fact that far-reaching conclusions are drawn based on a single case; “personalization” manifests itself in the fact that a person is inclined to perceive external events as directly related to him, establishing an imaginary connection between them and his person in some way that has no real basis.

Beck believes that those who habitually adhere to this way of thinking are more likely to develop depression when faced with minor problems. For example, a sharp refusal is more likely to cause depression in a person who considers it necessary for himself to be loved by everyone, comes to the arbitrary conclusion that the refusal indicates a hostile attitude towards him, and concentrates attention on this event, despite the presence of many facts indicating, on the contrary, its popularity, and draws general conclusions based on this single case. (In this example, you can see that the types of thinking distortion are not entirely clearly distinguished from each other.)

It has not yet been proven that the described mechanisms are present in humans before the onset of depressive disorder or that they are more common among those who subsequently develop a depressive disorder than among those who do not.

BIOCHEMICAL THEORIES

Monoamine hypothesis

According to this hypothesis, depressive disorder results from abnormalities in the monoamine neurotransmitter system in one or more brain regions. At an early stage of its development, the hypothesis suggested a violation of monoamine synthesis; more recent developments postulate changes in both monoamine receptors and amine concentration or turnover (see, for example, Garver and Davis 1979). Three monoamine neurotransmitters are involved in the pathogenesis of depression: 5-hydroxytryptamine (5-HT) (serotonin), norepinephrine and dopamine. This hypothesis was tested by studying three types of phenomena: neurotransmitter metabolism in patients with affective disorders; the effects of monoamine precursors and antagonists on measurable indicators of the function of monoaminergic systems (usually neuroendocrine indicators); pharmacological properties inherent in antidepressants. The material obtained from studies of these three types is now considered in connection with these three transmitters: 5-HT, norepinephrine and dopamine.

Attempts have been made to obtain indirect evidence regarding 5-HT functions in the brain activity of depressed patients through the study of cerebrospinal fluid (CSF). Ultimately, a decrease in the concentration of 5-hydroxyindoleacetic acid (5-HIAA), the main product of 5-HT metabolism in the brain, was proven (see, for example, Van Praag, Korf 1971). A straightforward interpretation of these data would lead to the conclusion that 5-HT function in the brain is also reduced. However, such an interpretation is fraught with some difficulties. First, when CSF is obtained by lumbar puncture, it is unclear exactly how much of the 5-HT metabolites originated in the brain and how much in the spinal cord. Second, changes in concentration may simply reflect changes in the clearance of metabolites from the CSF. This possibility can be partially eliminated by prescribing large doses of probenecid, which interferes with the transport of metabolites from the CSF; The results obtained using this method argue against the version of a simple transport violation. It would seem that interpretation should also be complicated by the finding of low or normal 5-HT concentrations in mania, whereas it would be logical to expect an increase in this indicator in this case, based on the fact that mania is the opposite of depression. However, the existence of mixed affective disorder (q.v.) suggests that this initial assumption is too simplistic. A more serious argument against accepting the original hypothesis is that low concentrations of 5-HIAA persist after clinical recovery (see Coppen 1972). Such data may indicate that reduced 5-HT activity should be considered a “hallmark” of people prone to developing depressive disorders, rather than simply a “condition” found only during episodes of illness.

Measurements were made of 5-HT concentrations in the brains of depressed patients, most of whom died as a result of suicide. Although this provides a more direct test of the monoamine hypothesis, the results are difficult to interpret for two reasons. First, the observed changes may have occurred after death; secondly, they could have been caused during life, but not by a depressive disorder, but by other factors, for example, hypoxia or medications used in treatment or taken to commit suicide. Such limitations may explain why some investigators (eg, Lloyd et al. 1974) report decreased 5-HT concentrations in the brainstem of depressed patients, while others (eg, Cochran et al. 1976) do not. It has recently been established that there is more than one type of 5-HT receptor, and there are reports (see Mann et al. 1986) that in the frontal cortex of suicide victims the concentration of one type of serotonin receptor, 5-HT 2 - increased (an increase in the number of receptors may be a reaction to a decrease in the number of transmitters).

The functional activity of 5-HT systems in the brain is assessed by administering a substance that stimulates 5-HT function and measuring the neuroendocrine response controlled by the 5-HT pathways, usually the release of prolactin. 5-HT function is enhanced by intravenous infusions of L-tryptophan, a precursor to 5-HT, or oral doses of fenfluramine, which releases 5-HT and blocks its reuptake. The prolactin response to both of these drugs is reduced in depressed patients (see: Cowen and Anderson 1986; Heninger et al. 1984). This suggests a decrease in 5-HT function if other mechanisms involved in prolactin secretion are functioning normally (which is not yet fully established).

If 5-HT function decreases in depressive disorders, then L-tryptophan should have a therapeutic effect, and antidepressants should have the property of increasing 5-HT function. As some scientists report (for example, Coppen and Wood 1978), L-tryptophan has an antidepressant effect, but this effect is not particularly pronounced. Antidepressants affect 5-HT function; in fact, it was this discovery that formed the basis of the hypothesis that 5-HT plays an important role in the etiology of depressive disorder. At the same time, it should be noted that this effect is complex: most of these drugs reduce the number of 5-HT 2 binding sites, and this fact is not entirely consistent with the hypothesis that in depressive disorders the 5-HT function is reduced and therefore antidepressants should increase it, and do not reduce. However, when animals were subjected to repeated shocks in a manner that mimicked the use of ECT in the treatment of patients, the result was an increase in the number of 5-HT 2 binding sites (see Green and Goodwin 1986).

It should be concluded that the evidence in favor of the serotonin hypothesis of the pathogenesis of depression is fragmentary and contradictory.

What is the evidence of violation? noradrenergic function? Results from studies of the norepinephrine metabolite 3-methoxy-4-hydroxyphenylethylene glycol (MHPG) in the CSF of depressed patients are inconsistent, but there is some evidence of decreased metabolite levels (see Van Praag 1982). In postmortem studies of the brain, measurements did not reveal consistent deviations in the concentration of norepinephrine (see: Cooper et al. 1986). The growth hormone response to clonidine was used as a neuroendocrine test of noradrenergic function. Several studies have demonstrated reduced responsiveness in depressed patients, suggesting a defect in postsynaltic noradrenergic receptors (Checkley et al. 1986). Antidepressants have a complex effect on noradrenergic receptors, and tricyclic drugs also have the property of inhibiting the reuptake of norepinephrine by presynaptic neurons. One of the effects of these antidepressants is a decrease in the number of beta-noradrenergic binding sites in the cerebral cortex (the same is observed with ECT) - a result that may be primary or secondary to compensation for increased norepinephrine turnover (see: Green , Goodwin 1986). In general, it is difficult to assess the effect of these drugs on noradrenergic synapses. In healthy volunteers, there is some evidence that transmission is initially enhanced (presumably through reuptake inhibition) and then returned to normal, probably due to effects on postsynaptic receptors (Cowen and Anderson 1986). If this fact is confirmed, it will be difficult to reconcile it with the idea that antidepressants act by enhancing noradrenergic function, which is reduced in depressive illnesses.

Data indicating a violation dopaminergic function for depressive disorders, a little. A corresponding decrease in the concentration of the main metabolite of dopamine, homovanillic acid (HVA), in the CSF has not been proven; There are no reports of postmortem examinations identifying any significant changes in dopamine concentrations in the brain of patients with depression. Neuroendocrine tests do not reveal changes that would suggest a violation of dopaminergic function, and the fact that the precursor of dopamine - L-DOPA (levodopa) - does not have a specific antidepressant effect is generally accepted.

It must be concluded that we have still not been able to come to an understanding of the biochemical abnormalities in patients with depression; It is also unclear how effective medications correct them. In any case, it would be imprudent to draw far-reaching conclusions regarding the biochemical basis of the disease based on the action of drugs. Anticholinergic drugs improve the symptoms of parkinsonism, but the underlying disorder is not increased cholinergic activity, but a deficiency of dopaminergic function. This example is a reminder that neurotransmitter systems interact in the central nervous system and that monoamine hypotheses for the etiology of depressive disorder are based on a significant simplification of the processes occurring at synapses in the central nervous system.

Endocrine disorders

In the etiology of affective disorders, endocrine disorders play an important place for three reasons. First, some endocrine disorders are associated with depressive disorders more often than could be explained by chance, suggesting a causal relationship. Secondly, endocrine changes found in depressive disorders suggest a violation of the hypothalamic centers that control the endocrine system. Third, endocrine changes are regulated by hypothalamic mechanisms, which, in turn, are partially controlled by monoaminergic systems, and therefore endocrine changes may reflect disturbances in monoaminergic systems. These three areas of research will be considered in turn.

Cushing's syndrome is sometimes accompanied by depression or euphoria, and Addison's disease and hyperparathyroidism are sometimes accompanied by depression. Endocrine changes may explain the occurrence of depressive disorders during the premenstrual period, during menopause and after childbirth. These clinical connections are discussed further in Chap. 12. Here it is only necessary to note that none of them has so far led to a better understanding of the causes of affective disorder.

Much research work has been done on the regulation of cortisol secretion in depressive disorders. In almost half of patients suffering from severe or moderate depressive disorder, the amount of cortisol in the blood plasma is increased. Despite this, they did not show clinical signs of excess cortisol production, possibly due to a decrease in the number of glucocorticoid receptors (Whalley et al. 1986). In any case, excess cortisol production is not specific to depressed patients, since similar changes are observed in untreated manic patients and in patients with schizophrenia (Christie et al. 1986). More important is the fact that in patients with depression the pattern of daily secretion of this hormone changes. Increased secretion of cortisol could be due to the fact that a person feels sick and this acts as a stressor on him; however, in this case, such an explanation seems unlikely, since stressors do not change the characteristic daily rhythm of secretion.

Impaired cortisol secretion in patients with depression is manifested in the fact that its level remains high in the afternoon and evening, whereas normally there is a significant decrease during this period. Research data also shows that 20–40% of depressed patients do not experience normal suppression of cortisol secretion after taking the powerful synthetic corticosteroid dexamethasone around midnight. However, not all patients with increased cortisol secretion are immune to the effects of dexamethasone. These deviations occur mainly in depressive disorders with “biological” symptoms, but are not observed in all such cases; they do not appear to be associated with any one specific clinical feature. In addition, abnormalities in the dexamethasone suppression test have been reported not only in affective disorders, but also in mania, chronic schizophrenia and dementia, which have been reported (see Braddock 1986).

Other neuroendocrine functions have been studied in patients with depression. The responses of luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone to gonadotropin hormone are usually normal. However, the prolactin response and the thyroid-stimulating hormone (thyrotropin) response are abnormal in up to half of depressed patients—a proportion that varies depending on the population studied and the assessment methods used (see Amsterdam et al. 1983).

Water-salt metabolism

From the book Great Soviet Encyclopedia (ET) by the author TSB

From the book Family Doctor's Handbook author From the book Philosophical Dictionary author Comte-Sponville Andre

Clinical Features of Personality Disorders This section contains information about personality disorders as presented in the International Classification of Diseases. This is followed by a brief overview of the additional or alternative categories used in DSM-IIIR. Although

From the author's book

Etiology Since little is known about the factors that contribute to the development of normal personality types, it is not surprising that knowledge about the causes of personality disorders is incomplete. Research is complicated by the significant time interval separating

From the author's book

Common Causes of Personality Disorders GENETIC CAUSESAlthough there is some evidence that normal personality is partly inherited, evidence is still limited regarding the role of genetic contributions in the development of personality disorders. Shields (1962) provides

From the author's book

Prognosis of Personality Disorders Just as small changes in the characteristics of a normal personality appear with age, so in the case of a pathological personality, deviations from the norm may soften as the person gets older.

From the author's book

Etiology of neuroses This section is devoted to an analysis of the common causes of neuroses. Factors specific to the etiology of individual neurotic syndromes are discussed in the next chapter. GENETIC FACTORS Obviously, the tendency to develop neurosis, revealed by psychological

From the author's book

Classification of depressive disorders There is no consensus on the best method for classifying depressive disorders. The attempts made can be broadly summarized in three directions. In accordance with the first of them, classification should

From the author's book

Epidemiology of Mood Disorders Determining the prevalence of depressive disorders is difficult, in part because different researchers use different diagnostic definitions. Thus, in the course of many studies conducted in the United States

From the author's book

Etiology Before reviewing the evidence for the causes of schizophrenia, it will be useful to outline the main areas of research. Among the predisposing causes, genetic factors are the most strongly supported by evidence, but it is clear that genetic factors also play an important role

From the author's book

Etiology of sexual dysfunction FACTORS TYPICAL FOR MANY FORMS OF SEXUAL DYSFUNCTION Sexual dysfunction usually occurs in cases where poor general relationships between partners are combined (in various combinations) with low sexual desire, ignorance of sexual

From the author's book

Etiology When discussing the causes of childhood mental disorders, essentially the same principles apply as those described in the chapter on the etiology of disorders in adults. In child psychiatry, there are fewer defined mental illnesses and more

From the author's book

Etiology of mental retardation INTRODUCTIONLewis (1929) distinguished two types of mental retardation: subcultural (the lower limit of the normal distribution curve of mental abilities among the population) and pathological (caused by specific disease processes). IN

4. Multifactorial model of affective disorders

A.B. Kholmogorova and N.G. Garanyan

In domestic clinical psychology, A.B. Kholmogorova and N.G. Garanyan proposed a hypothetical multifactorial model of depressive disorders (1998). This model considers psychological factors at different levels - macrosocial, family, interpersonal, personal, cognitive and behavioral. This approach is based on the idea that biological vulnerability results in disease only when exposed to unfavorable social and psychological factors.

From the point of view of A.B. Kholmogorova and N.G. Garanyan, in modern culture there are quite specific psychological factors that contribute to the growth of the total number of experienced negative emotions in the form of melancholy, fear, aggression and at the same time complicate their psychological processing. These are special values ​​and attitudes that are encouraged in society and cultivated in many families, as a reflection of the wider society. These attitudes then become the property of the individual consciousness, creating a psychological predisposition or vulnerability to emotional disorders.

Emotional disturbances are closely related to the cult of success and achievement, the cult of strength and competitiveness, the cult of rationality and restraint that characterize our culture. Table 2 shows how these values ​​are then refracted in family and interpersonal relationships, in individual consciousness, determining the style of thinking, and, finally, in painful symptoms. In the table, one or another type of values ​​and attitudes is rather conventionally associated with certain syndromes - depressive, anxious, somatoform. This division is quite arbitrary, and all the identified attitudes may be present in each of the three analyzed disorders. We are talking only about the relative weight of certain attitudes, about trends, but not about the strict cause-and-effect relationships of a certain attitude with a certain syndrome.

research

Emotional disorders
depressive alarming somatoform
Macrosocial Social values ​​and stereotypes that contribute to the growth of negative emotions and make it difficult to process them
The cult of success and achievement Cult of strength and competitiveness Cult of ratio and restraint
Family Features of the family system that contribute to the induction, fixation and difficulties in processing negative emotions
Closed family systems with symbiotic relationships
High parental demands and expectations, high level of criticism Distrust of other people (outside the family), isolation, overcontrol Ignoring emotions in family relationships and prohibiting their expression
Interpersonal Difficulty building close relationships with people and receiving emotional support
High demands and expectations from other people Negative expectations from other people Difficulty expressing yourself and understanding others
Personal Personal attitudes that contribute to a negative perception of life, oneself, others and complicate self-understanding
Perfectionism Hidden Hostility “Life outside” (alexithymia)
Cognitive Cognitive processes that stimulate negative emotions and impede self-understanding
Depressive triad Anxious triad "It's dangerous to feel"
Absolutization Exaggeration Negation
Negative selection, polarization, overgeneralization, etc. Operator thinking
Behavioral and symptomatic Severe emotional states, unpleasant physical sensations and pain, social maladjustment
Passivity, melancholy and dissatisfaction with oneself, a feeling of disappointment in others Avoidance behavior, feelings of helplessness, anxiety, fear of being critical of oneself Emotions are gumized and experienced at a physiological level without psychological complaints

Table 2. Multivariate model of emotional disorders.


Conclusion

In order to achieve these goals, in my work I compiled an overview of the main psychological approaches (models) to the study of depression. As you can see, each of the considered models (psychoanalytic, behaviorist, cognitive) of depression expresses an original approach to explaining the causes and factors of the occurrence of depressive symptoms.

The psychoanalytic approach to the study of depression is based on the primacy of the affective radical in the formation of the depressive symptom complex and develops from Freud’s ideas about the loss of an object, loss in the sphere of one’s own Self.

With the development of Ego psychology and the theory of object relations, the focus of attention of psychoanalysts shifted to object relations in depression, the characteristics of the Ego and the Self, in particular to the problems of self-esteem and its determinants. Representatives of the theory of object relations assign a large role to the success of the baby overcoming successive phases of development and the harmony of relationships with the object.

In the cognitive-behaviourist approach, the main role is given to the cognitive components of the self-concept. Depression is understood as the result of irrational and unrealistic thinking.

A modern multifactorial model of affective disorders developed by A.B. Kholmogorova and N.G. Garanyan presents a special scheme that explains the connection between specific psychological factors of the cultural level and the occurrence of emotional disorders and shows how the values ​​characteristic of modern culture are refracted in family and interpersonal relationships, in the individual consciousness, determining the style of thinking, and, finally, in painful symptoms . In this approach, the authors pay attention not to individual factors, but consider the interaction of various factors - cognitive, behavioral, social, interpersonal, family, biomedical and others.

The difficulty of studying affective disorders lies in the “difficulty” of the object of study, since emotions and affects represent a specific coloring of the content of consciousness, a special experience of phenomena that are not emotions in themselves, and the possibility of emotional “switching”, interaction and “layering”, so that one an emotion can become a subject for the emergence of a subsequent one.
In essence, each of the presented models quite adequately describes a separate class of depressive disorders, and these models should not be considered as mutually exclusive, but as complementary to each other.

Speaking about the prospects in the study of depression, we can list the areas that are already available at the moment. For example, one of the important areas of psychoanalytic research is the identification of different types of depression (or types of depressive personality).

Much attention is paid to the study of personal factors influencing the onset and course of depression, but the interaction of various factors - cognitive, behavioral, social, interpersonal, family, biomedical and others - is also studied.

The topic of depression is very interesting and relevant in our time. Therefore, I also plan to connect the topic of my next course work with the study or research of depression, but in a more specific form.


References

1. Beck A., Rush A., Shaw B., Emery G. Cognitive therapy for depression. St. Petersburg, 2003.

2. Vinogradov M.V. Toward the diagnosis and treatment of masked depression. Soviet medicine. 1979, no. 7.

3. Klein Melanie. Envy and gratitude. St. Petersburg, 1997.

4. Mosolov S.N. Clinical use of modern antidepressants. St. Petersburg: "Medical Information Agency", 1995. - 568 p.

5. Obukhov Ya.L. The significance of the first year of life for the subsequent development of the child (review of Winnicott's concept). - Russian Med. Academy of Postgraduate Education. - M., 1997

6. Sokolova E.T. Research and applied tasks in psychotherapy of personality disorders. Social and clinical psychiatry, - Volume 8/No. 2/1998.

7. Tkhostov A.Sh. Psychological concepts of depression. // RMJ. - St. Petersburg, Volume 1/No. 6/1998.

8. Freud 3. Sadness and melancholy. Psychology of emotions. Texts. M., 1984.

9. Kholmogorova A.B., Garanyan N.G. Multifactorial model of depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders as the basis of their integrative psychotherapy.

10. Kholmogorova A. B. Theoretical and empirical foundations of integrative psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders (Author's abstract), - Moscow, 2006.

11. Kholmogorova A.B., Garanyan N.G. Integrative psychotherapy for anxiety and depressive disorders based on the cognitive model.

12. Psychological counseling: Problems, methods, techniques. - // Concepts of Beck and Seligman, - 2000, pp. 278-187.

13. Ellis A. The unfairly neglected cognitive element of depression. MRP, - No. 1/1994.

14. Horney K. Neurotic personality of our time. Introspection. M., 1993.

15. Kupfer D. Depression: a major contributor to world-wide disease burden // International Medical News.- 1999.- Vol.99, No. 2.- P.1-2.

16. E.S.Paykel, T.Brugha, T.Fryers. The scale and burden of depressive disorders in Europe (extended abstract of the review). - // Psychiatry and psychoform therapy. - Volume 08/No. 3/2006.


TOPIC: PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO STUDYING THE THEORY OF PERSONALITY AND INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS. MOTTO “PSYCHOLOGY” OMSK 1997 CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION........................................................ ....................................... 3 - 4 CHAPTER 1. Psychological theory of S. Freud . 1.1. Personality structure........................................................ ...... 5 - 9 1.2. ...

When performing research. Whatever aspect of depression (or anxiety disorder) is studied, the question always arises whether the findings are due to the depression (anxiety disorder) or to comorbid Axis I and II illness. The rules of hierarchical exclusion do not solve the problem, but take it beyond the scope of discussion. Two combined diagnoses also do not solve the problem. Besides, ...

Education, i.e. Having arisen once as a result of a frustrating influence and persisting throughout life, it is etiologically defined as reactive. Behaviorist theories of depression, like psychoanalytic ones, are etiological, however, unlike psychoanalysis, which concentrates on intrapsychic phenomena, in behaviorist approaches attention is paid to behavior, and...

Suicidogenic factors include: psychological, environmental, economic, social, cultural. 2. Psychological aspects of preventive assistance to people “at risk of developing suicidal behavior” 2.1. Psychological diagnosis of suicidal behavior Despite the variety of methods for diagnosing suicidal behavior, accurate registration of suicidal...

Garanyan N.G. (Moscow)

Garanyan Natalya Georgievna

- member of the editorial board of the journal “Medical Psychology in Russia”;

Candidate of Psychological Sciences, leading researcher at the Laboratory of Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy of the Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Ministry of Social Health Development, Professor of the Department of Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy of the Faculty of Psychological Counseling of the Moscow State University of Psychology and Education.

Email: [email protected]

Annotation. The analysis is based on theoretical models that consider hostility as an important personality factor in depressive and anxiety disorders - the psychoanalytic model, the serotonin hypothesis of “angry” depression, the psychosocial model of hostility and depression, the cognitive model of hostility and depression, the multifactorial psychosocial model of affective spectrum disorders. The results of empirical studies of hostility and aggression in depressive and anxiety disorders obtained using self-report methods, video observation and projective techniques are analyzed. Contradictions and limitations of the obtained data are identified; prospects for future developments are outlined.

Key words: hostility, aggression, depressive and anxiety disorders.

The authors of analytical reviews unanimously note that research hostility have become an independent direction in general somatic medicine, psychiatry and clinical psychology. Its high status is associated with the significant role of hostility in the origin and course of a number of somatic, psychosomatic and mental disorders. It has been proven that hostility is a predictor of cardiovascular diseases and early mortality, as well as a prognostic criterion for the unfavorable course of allergic, oncological, viral diseases and personality disorders.

An additional incentive for its study is the data from intervention studies assessing the effectiveness of treatment for depression (psychopharmacotherapy and psychotherapy). High levels of patient hostility predict a poor working alliance in both treatments, which in turn is a major predictor of good outcome. One recent study showed that high levels of hostility in marital communications predict poor outcome in cognitive-behavioural therapy for generalized anxiety disorder. However, treatment resistance is not the only consequence of hostility for patients with depressive and anxiety disorders. Patients with intense hostility have worse indicators of somatic health and a greater tendency to alcoholism compared to more friendly patients. When studying the factors of student health, it was found that depression, combined with high levels of hostility, has a more destructive effect on indicators of the somatic well-being of young people than such harmful factors as increased body weight, smoking, consumption of large amounts of salt, caffeine and physical inactivity. Modern pharmacological approaches to the treatment of depression take into account indicators of the patient's aggressiveness and hostility.

Despite the obvious relevance of the problem, studies of hostility, anger and aggression in clinical psychology have long been hampered by the lack of generally accepted definitions of the terms, as well as the use of too different diagnostic tools: “... for many years the concept of “aggression” in psychology and psychiatry was interpreted very broadly, in in particular, it included both feelings of anger and hostility. Intensive study of hostility as such became possible after methodological elaboration and differentiation of closely related concepts - aggression, aggressiveness, anger, hostility."

An illustration of this conceptual “confusion” is the variability in definitions of anger and hostility. For example, according to the concept of C. Spielberger, anger is a multidimensional construct, the structure of which includes internalized anger(tendency to suppress the emotion of anger and thoughts of angry content), externalized anger(tendency to engage in aggressive behavior towards surrounding people or inanimate objects) and anger control(the ability to manage the experience of anger and its expression, as well as prevent them). It is easy to see that such an understanding equates the concepts of “externalized anger” and “aggression.”

This too broad interpretation of the concept of “anger” is opposed by a more modern one, which assigns this term exclusively to emotional phenomena: “Anger is the internal experiences of a person, varying in frequency, duration and intensity.”

Another example of a confusion of concepts can be broad interpretations of the term “hostility”, which mean “an oppositional attitude towards people, including cognitive, affective and behavioral components.” In this understanding, anger and aggression act as emotional and behavioral components of hostility. In recent years, many foreign and domestic authors have begun to adhere to a narrow understanding of the term as “a complex of cognitive attitudes (images, ideas, beliefs, assessments) in relation to other people.” Domestic experts have done significant methodological work to clarify the boundaries of each of the concepts (anger, hostility, aggressiveness and aggression), describe the psychological forms of each of the constructs, and establish phenomenological connections between them. The works of the cited authors created a theoretical foundation on the basis of which it became possible to differentiate the study of various forms of hostility, aggression and aggressiveness in various mental disorders and unlawful behavior.

This review is primarily focused on foreign theories that emphasize the role of hostility as a personality factor in depressive and anxiety disorders. The article presents the results of their empirical testing in recent decades. It should be noted that it does not claim to be a complete reflection of all data on this problem, but only records the most important information from sources available to domestic specialists.

1. Psychoanalytic models linking anger, aggression and hostility to depressive and anxiety disorders.

1.1. Psychoanalytic models of aggression and depression

The classical psychoanalytic models of K. Abraham and S. Freud assigned aggression and the experience of anger a central role in the origin of depression. These early theories identified the depressive reaction with ideas of self-blame, guilt, and self-destruction. Almost every depressive reaction was seen as the result of a self-referral initially addressed to an external object, and then internalized aggression against an incorporated loved and hated object. The tendency to express aggression towards others in such depressed patients was regarded as denied and repressed. It was assumed that hostile feelings towards significant others are not allowed into consciousness, where they are replaced by painful feelings of guilt. Some followers regarded aggression as the main psychodynamic factor of all types of depression (for example, M. Klein).

However, in the middle of the 20th century, four authors opposed this view. Thus, M. Balint interpreted depressive experiences of bitterness and resentment as a reaction to an illness, and not a persistent characteristic of a depressive personality. E. Bibring considered aggression in depression as a secondary phenomenon that arises as a result of a “breakdown” of self-esteem. M. Cohen and her research group described a complex cycle of interpersonal interactions: depressed patients greatly irritate and bore others, who naturally respond to them with indignation. Expressions of hostility become a secondary reaction to the anger of others and never stem from a primary impulse to harm them. These authors also objected to the assertion that the self-devaluation characteristic of depressed people can be considered as “self-directed” aggression. Thus, psychoanalyst S. Mendelson argued that the classics of psychoanalysis created theoretical models that had little relation to clinical reality, and their followers gave them the status of universal concepts and uncritically applied them to all depressive phenomena [cit. according to 26].

At the same time, clinical experience allows modern psychoanalysts to assert that aggression is “one of the important paths leading to depression.” According to the author, the mechanisms of the relationship between aggression and depression can be different:

1. If the “objects” of one’s own life are subject to aggressive devaluation (people, groups and organizations close to the individual, the types of activities in which he is involved, objects of property that he possesses), a special inner world arises in which there is nothing valuable that can maintain self-esteem personality. When such a devalued world is compared with a fantasy world full of idealized objects, depression becomes inevitable.

2. If aggression openly reacts to external objects (other people), destroying friendly, family and collegial relationships, the likelihood of satisfying love desires, achieving success, and recognition from the outside world decreases.

3. Finally, aggression directed against one’s own personality also serves as a mechanism for depression. Constant self-criticism damages the self-representation and has a negative impact on its functioning, blocking the development of abilities, the satisfaction of desires and the maintenance of self-esteem.

Thus, modern analysts are moving away from the original interpretation of depression as “introjection of aggression onto one’s own “I” as a result of the loss of an object.” They show that depression can be associated with various forms of aggression - the so-called. “internalized” (directed at one’s own “I”) and “externalized” (directed at living and non-living objects of the external world).

However, the idea that overt aggressive behavior is difficult in depressive disorders has been revived in concept of “deficit aggression” G. Ammon. The concept describes a special form of behavior with a characteristic deficit in the skills of constructive expression of aggression, which leads to a blockade of the corresponding impulses and, as a result, their insufficient response. The poverty of the arsenal of behavioral skills is combined with an intense internal experience of aggression, which finds other, painful for others, indirect, passive manifestations, for example, “when they provoke you with silence or pretend not to notice you.” According to the creator of dynamic psychiatry, individuals with deficient aggression are characterized by blockade of activity in general, including social activity, loss of the desire for personal autonomy, blocking of self-actualization processes, refusal of the desire to leave the “primary maternal symbiosis,” and difficulties in self-regulation. According to a number of authors, deficient aggression is a risk factor for the development of emotional disorders (primarily depressive, obsessive-compulsive and somatoform), as well as psychosomatic diseases. G. Ammon contrasts deficit aggression with its constructive version, which is characterized by the open manifestation of aggressive impulses in a socially acceptable form, which is ensured by appropriate behavioral skills and stereotypes of emotional response.

In our opinion, an accurate generalization of the state of affairs in the area under study can be the long-standing, but still relevant, statement of A. Beck: “It is quite obvious that the differences in points of view on the role of aggression in the origin of depression are associated with the inaccuracy of the definitions of both concepts, which leads to semantic confusion. There is no consensus on the relationship between aggression and depression. The question of whether the pathology of aggression is a persistent predispositional characteristic of individuals with depressive disorders or a secondary problem that arises in response to the disease and its attendant interpersonal difficulties remains open.”

1.2. Psychoanalytic models of hostility, anger and anxiety disorders

In psychoanalytic research on anxiety disorders, there is a well-known paradox: having created several models of anxiety at an early stage in the development of the theory, psychoanalysts only in the last two decades have approached the development of models of individual anxiety disorders and the development of specialized therapeutic interventions. Systematic placebo-controlled studies of the effectiveness of this type of treatment for anxiety disorders have not been conducted until very recently. By 2007, special treatment guidelines had been created by psychoanalysts only for panic disorder. Nevertheless, psychodynamic theory contains powerful potential to explain the development of anxiety disorders. It is based on several key ideas. The initial idea is that the unconscious of the future patient contains fantasies, desires or impulses, the implementation of which would seem dangerous to the conscious Ego. As a rule, they are of a sexual or aggressive nature. “Signal” anxiety alerts the Ego to this threat and triggers psychological defense mechanisms - displacement, projection and avoidance, whose role is to contain or mask dangerous desires and impulses. When the patient's ego is overwhelmed with anxiety and stimuli that cannot be effectively contained, "traumatic anxiety" may develop in the form of persistent anxiety or episodic panic. An alternative option is represented by the development of symptoms that “link” anxiety - phobias or obsessions. According to the psychodynamic model, anxiety “tied” to specific symptoms becomes more controllable, and frightening aggressive impulses or feelings of anger become well disguised. For example, with object phobias, fear of one's own internal motivations is converted into a signal of external danger that can be avoided. Symptoms of anxiety disorders are considered to be “compromise formations” that establish a balance between dangerous aggressive impulses and psychological protection against them. Unconscious impulses find symbolic expression in these symptoms. According to the pleasure principle, symptoms of anxiety disorders cause less discomfort than awareness of the underlying conflict.

One of the aspects of S. Freud's teachings - the connection between anxiety and repressed hostile-aggressive impulses - was developed in social psychoanalysis K. Horney. The isolation and development of this particular aspect was not accidental, but is associated with the conflicting tendencies of modern culture: orientation towards success and fierce competition coexist with the value of partnership, decent and friendly behavior. According to K. Horney, “hostile impulses of various kinds form the main source from which neurotic anxiety arises.” Why does the repression of hostility turn into fear for a person? Because to repress hostility means for a person to pretend that “everything is fine” and, thus, to withdraw from the fight when this was strongly wanted or necessary. As K. Horney believes, repression of hostility occurs if its awareness is unbearable for a person for a number of reasons: 1) due to inconsistency of feelings - deep emotional attachment to the object of hostility; 2) due to fear of the sides of one’s personality that give rise to hostility (envy, competitiveness, etc.), and reluctance to see them; 3) due to high ethical standards and a rigid “super-ego”. The repression of hostility has a number of consequences for a person: the constant experience of vague anxiety due to the presence of a dangerous, explosive affect inside, the projection of one’s own hostile impulses onto the outside world (a person believes that destructive impulses come not from him, but from someone outside), a feeling helplessness and powerlessness in the face of an “insurmountable” danger from the outside. Of the many forms of anxiety that can arise as a result of the process of repressing hostility, Horney identifies four main types:

1. Danger is felt to arise from one's own motives and threaten the Self. For example, a phobia associated with the urge to jump from a height.

2. Danger is perceived as coming from one's own motives and threatening others. For example, fear of hurting someone.

3. Danger is felt as coming from outside and threatening the Self. For example, fear of thunderstorms.

4. Danger is perceived as coming from outside and threatening others. An example is the anxiety of overprotective mothers about the dangers surrounding their children.

As K. Horney notes, not only does hostility cause anxiety, but anxiety can also cause hostility. Anxiety based on a sense of threat easily provokes defensive hostility in response. Reactive hostility can also, if repressed, give rise to anxiety, and thus "vicious circles of anxiety and hatred" arise.

Currently, these classical ideas are complemented by the concepts object relations theories. Patients with anxiety disorders have negative object representations: others are represented in their mental apparatus as “demanding,” “controlling,” “threatening,” “fear-inducing.” Object representations of this kind serve as an additional source of subjective feelings of danger, since they are charged with intense aggression. The anger inevitably generated by such images of loved ones is experienced as a threat to attachment; attachment loses its secure character.

The ideas of classical analysis and object relations theory formed the basis of modern models of individual anxiety disorders. Psychodynamic model of panic disorder (PD), proposed by F. Busch and M. Shear, integrates neurophysiological factors with psychodynamic ones. According to the model, the constitutional fearfulness of a child who experiences fears in unfamiliar situations forms an anxious attachment to close people with the expectation that they will provide safety and emotional comfort. Such dependence inevitably stimulates the child to experience narcissistic humiliation and anger towards loved ones when they are unable to provide sufficient comfort and alleviate the anxious state. Dependence on loved ones, “colored” in alarming tones, is also formed in an environment where parents behave in a critical, rude, threatening or rejecting manner. Thus, the child develops object representations of loved ones as “abandoning,” “rejecting,” and “strictly controlling.” These perceptions serve as “fuel” for anger, however, the child is afraid of this feeling, because it can alienate or harm the much-needed adult.

Anxious dependence can become actualized in adulthood against the background of life events that subjectively represent in the patient’s mind the threat of loss or separation from a significant other. Angry affect, often unconscious, is experienced at these moments as a danger to relationships of enormous vital importance. It is this circumstance, the authors believe, that triggers the alarm. Psychological defense mechanisms come into play: “reaction formation” converts anger into positive feelings or a desire to help, and “cancellation” moves any aggressive feeling that arises in consciousness back to the unconscious. As a result of the inevitable breakdown of these defenses, the patient experiences a manifestation of “traumatic anxiety” in the form of a panic attack. Panic attacks represent a compromise formation in which the patient can express anger in the form of persistent demands for help from loved ones, and also desperately seek support that can prevent terrifying events - loss or separation. Finally, this education allows the patient to "melt" dangerous experiences of anger into intense anxiety, which, according to the "pleasure principle", is less painful for the patient than the risk of losing an important attachment figure or awareness of the symbolic meaning that this state carries.

Psychodynamic studies of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) were actively carried out in the early stages of the development of psychoanalysis. However, they were subsequently stopped, which is also recorded by psychoanalysts themselves. As in the case of PD, the central condition for the occurrence of OCD is considered to be a conflict associated with the experience of anger and competitive relationships. The idea is put forward that OCD represents a regression to an ontogenetically early stage of development, the characteristic experience of which is the fear of one’s own thoughts, feelings and fantasies as capable of causing harm to other people. The harsh, punitive superego present in these patients increases the potential danger of unconscious experiences. The patient's perceived fear in this disorder focuses on the theme of loss of control. Defenses in the form of “invalidation” and attempts to symbolically or magically replace hostile experiences with compulsive behavior are typical of OCD. Patients also resort to “intellectualization,” which hides hostile emotions. As in the case of PD, OCD symptoms serve as a compromise formation. L. Salzman described this psychodynamic process as follows: “Obsessive-compulsive dynamism is a device for preventing any thought or feeling that can generate shame, infringe on pride, reduce status, cause feelings of weakness or inferiority, whether these feelings are of an aggressive or any other nature.” . Some modern psychoanalysts emphasize the importance of ontogenetic events and the family context - the breakdown of emotional contact between the infant and the caregiver. From this point of view, aggression and guilt, with which S. Freud associated the phenomenon of obsession, are natural reactions to powerful traumas received in the family from emotionally unresponsive, cruel guardians. Thus, obsessive symptoms mask both experiences of unsafe relationships with parents and attempts to control the fear of losing an attachment figure.

Psychodynamic model of social phobia (SF) emphasizes a number of factors: neurophysiological predisposition, the presence of ontogenetic stressors, negative object representations. In the early stages of life, individuals who subsequently suffer from SF develop a negative perception of parents, other caregivers, and siblings as “blaming,” “criticizing,” “ridiculing,” “humiliating,” “embarrassing.” Subsequently, these images are projected onto the people around them; as a result, the patient begins to avoid social contacts due to fear of criticism and rejection, which increases his difficulties. As with PD, experiences of anger are fraught with danger due to the possibility of being rejected by an important attachment figure. With social phobia, the emotions of anger and contempt are usually projected onto others, which avoids opening these experiences in one's own soul. However, as a result of this projection, the patient sees other people as aggressive, critical and rejecting, which triggers intense social anxiety. In addition, the patient feels guilty for experiencing anger at other people and being offensively critical towards them. Social anxiety becomes a tangible punishment for aggressive impulses, albeit denied.

Along with these conflicts, patients with SF are also characterized by other contradictions: in parallel with reduced self-esteem, they may develop compensatory grandiosity, accompanied by fantasies of universal admiration. They are characterized by exhibitionistic sexual impulses, which, however, are subject to denial. Aspirations of this kind also increase distress and disappointment in current social situations, which again increases pain and anger. Like other symptoms, social phobia is a compromise formation. These patients are characterized by a conflict between the desire for exhibitionism and social anxiety; the latter acts both as a manifestation of conflict and as punishment.

The main psychoanalytic ideas about the functioning of aggression in depressive and anxiety disorders can be summarized as follows: 1) both types of emotional disorders are associated with unconscious experiences of anger and hostility; 2) awareness of aggression and anger, as well as their open expression in behavior, are blocked; 3) the main obstacles to the awareness of anger and aggression and their discharge are low autonomy and dependence on the object of hostile feelings.

In conclusion of this section, it should be noted that in the considered models of depressive and anxiety disorders, the concepts of “anger,” “aggression,” and “hostility” are used virtually synonymously; We were unable to detect any attempt to define or differentiate these terms in any of the theoretical works cited.

1.3. Alternative models linking anger, aggression, and hostility to depressive and anxiety disorders

In the late 1980s - early 1990s. Several new theories have been created describing the links between hostility, aggression and depressive and anxiety disorders.

Serotonin hypothesis of "angry" depression was formulated by M. Fava and co-authors in the early 90s. . The hypothesis was based on observations of several patients who experienced sudden, not always explainable, clearly disproportionate attacks of anger. The physical sensations that arose were very reminiscent of the symptoms of a panic attack. However, there were no indications of any manifestations of fear in the patients' self-reports. Their daily existence was colored by experiences of “unhappiness.” A thorough analysis of anamnestic information, assessment of the mental status of patients, as well as their reactions to pharmacotherapeutic interventions allowed the researchers to formulate a hypothesis that these attacks may be variants of panic attacks or an atypical form of depressive disorder. They believe that there is a common biological mechanism between mood disorders and aggression pathology related to serotonin metabolism.

In the descriptions of M. Fava and his colleagues, “angry depression” is phenomenologically close to the subaffective cyclothymic disorders identified by X. Akiskal. The frequency of occurrence of this variant of the disorder, the accompanying organic disorders and personality dysfunctions remain poorly studied. Data obtained within the framework of the “serotonin theory of aggression, anxiety and depression” completely contradict psychoanalytic models.

"A Predispositional Psychosocial Model of Hostility and Depression" argues that individuals high in this personality trait are more prone to interpersonal conflict, have low levels of social support, and experience a greater number of stressful life events. Numerous studies have shown that a high frequency of stressful life events increases the risk of developing depressive disorders. According to the diathesis-stress model, social support may act as a buffer against the negative effects of stress. Thus, the combination of these two factors (high frequency of stressful events and low social support) makes hostile individuals particularly vulnerable to depression. This model is based on the modern definition of hostility as oppositional attitudes towards other people, particular variants of which are cynicism and persistent distrust.

"A Predispositional Cognitive Model of Hostility and Depression" relies on several concepts:

1. The concept of hostility as a “negative cognitive scheme” in the perception of other people, which is based on the fragility of self-esteem, numerous cognitive distortions (overgeneralization, personalization, dichotomous thinking, distorted ideas about causality), as well as overly rigid “shoulds” addressed to others people As A. Beck suggests, hostility forms the “cognitive basis” of anger, hatred and violence, regardless of where they arise - in marital relationships or racial, ethnic and interstate conflicts.

2. The concept of “stress generation”, according to which depressed patients can not only become “passive victims of the blows of fate”, but also actively generate at least part of the stressful circumstances in which they find themselves.

3. The concept of DSM-IV, according to which, at an early stage, many forms of depressive disorders are characterized not so much by the affect of melancholy, but by signs of irritability and irascibility.

The cognitive model linking anger, hostility and depression describes the following chain of events. Elevated levels of anger and high rates of hostility can create serious problems in an individual's interpersonal relationships, which creates stress. The response to this stress is an influx of negative automatic thoughts, especially intense when it comes to relationships with the closest people. Cognitive factors combined with counterproductive coping strategies (eg, blaming others, avoidance, and greedy seeking of social support) may maintain unfavorable interpersonal dynamics in which desired support is unlikely and stress is persistent. The likelihood of depression in such a stressful environment is very high.

Domestic "Multifactorial psychosocial model of affective spectrum disorders" A.B. Kholmogorova also considers hostility as an important personality variable included in the “psychological equation” of depressive and anxiety disorders. The author of the model traces the cause-and-effect path from family dysfunctions in the form of “inducing distrust of strangers”, the practice of “abuse in the family”, the high frequency of cases of alcoholism in parental families with brutal behavior of drinkers to the formation of hostility as an individual characteristic, which becomes impoverished in adulthood social support resources for the patient.

Thus, current models integrate several risk factors for depressive disorders: high levels of anger and hostility, negative automatic thoughts, negative social interactions, stressful events in daily life, and counterproductive ways of coping with stress. Let us note that the ideas about anger and hostility in depression, developed in these models, are completely opposite to the psychoanalytic ones: we are talking about well-recognized and openly manifested psychological properties.

Let us consider the main results of empirical studies verifying various models of the relationship between aggression and emotional disorders.

2. Empirical studies of the relationship between anger, aggression and hostility in patients with depressive and anxiety disorders

Two methodological approaches have been widely used: 1) the study of anger and aggression using self-report scales; 2) study of natural communications of patients using the observation method.

2.1. Research on the directionality of anger and aggression using self-report scales

An empirical test of theories linking anger, hostility, and aggression to depressive disorders was started only in the 60s. last century and continues to this day, facilitated by progress in the development of diagnostic tools. According to the classical point of view, one would expect that, as a result of the action of the defense mechanism, the self-reports of patients with depressive and anxiety disorders would not contain indicators of experienced anger, hostility and overt aggression. However, even the first attempts to verify the psychodynamic model of depression yielded unexpected results.

Thus, when interviewing depressed elderly patients, E. Busse found virtually no experiences of guilt, internalization or suppression of aggressive and hostile impulses. Moreover, his patients readily expressed outrage and resentment.

A. Weissman and co-authors studied in a group of female college students the relationship between mood fluctuations (from depressive to elated) and the direction of their aggressive or punitive reactions (Ronzweig's frustration tolerance test). Contrary to analytical ideas, the frequency of extrapunitive reactions was significantly higher in this group on days when they felt depressed compared to periods when they did not feel depressed. Intropunitive reactions were significantly less frequent in this group during depression. Clearly puzzled by these data, A. Weissman and her co-authors concluded that relatively healthy individuals with a depressed mood can become more extrapunitive - more openly express aggression and hostility. Internalization, suppression, or self-directed aggression is more likely to occur in individuals with severe (and even psychotic) forms of depression.

A. Friedman and S. Granick obtained only one result that confirmed the classical hypothesis. In response to the question “Is it always right to feel angry?” the unconditional answer “YES” was significantly less common in the group of depressed patients than in the control group of healthy people. Of course, these data did not reveal anything about the intensity of the experience and expression of anger/aggression. They only showed that open expression of anger was less acceptable for depressed patients. However, this result also became questionable taking into account the age factor: older patients were significantly less likely to give an unconditional answer “YES” in comparison with young subjects, regardless of their group affiliation.

In 1971, in order to achieve greater clarity in the issue under study, A. Friedman undertook an intervention study, which to this day has a high citation index. According to his hypothesis, changes in indicators of aggression and hostility should correlate with positive clinical dynamics in depressed patients. At study baseline, 534 moderately to severely depressed inpatients (mean age 42 years) completed the Bass-Darkey Hostility Questionnaire and a patient self-report of clinical improvement. 213 patients completed both instruments 6 times over 7 weeks of treatment.

At the beginning of the study, the indicators of “Verbal hostility” in patients were significantly lower than those of healthy people, the indicators of “Resentment” were significantly higher, and the indicators of “Suspicion” at the level of asymptotic significance exceeded the norm results. According to the author, high levels of resentment were more likely to indicate a projection of hostility onto the world in depressed patients rather than its denial or repression. The combination of results made clear the unfavorable situation of the patients: “If an individual experiences feelings of resentment of above average intensity, perceives the attitude of other people towards him as unfair, but is not inclined or unable to openly verbalize his feelings, his internal state becomes uncomfortable and unhealthy.”

Another result was the discovery of positive significant correlations between two forms of hostility-aggression - externalization (in the form of resentment) and internalization. He refuted the idea that there is a certain static amount of aggression in the body; The fewer hostile-aggressive tendencies are expressed externally, the greater the need for internalization of these tendencies. The data suggested that with a large number of hostile-aggressive impulses, there is a tendency for their simultaneous externalization and internalization.

By the end of the seventh week of treatment, a clear pattern became clear: the more pronounced the improvement, the less hostility-aggression of any type the patient experienced. The most obvious and simple explanation of these results did not require psychoanalytic formulations, consideration of the unconscious and repression mechanisms. When patients are depressed and experience suffering, pain and frustration, they are more likely to experience hostility towards the world and complain about it, they also have greater irritability and somatic manifestations of hostility. When you feel better, the tendency to such negative reactions decreases along with irritability. In this explanation, depression is primary and can be seen as the cause of hostility, but not vice versa.

Unexpected were the findings that depressed patients in a state of remission move even further away from the norm in terms of open expression of verbal hostility. It was concluded that low verbal expression of hostility is a persistent character trait of these patients. As the authors suggest, “at the point of breakdown of defense mechanisms, when a depressive episode develops and hospitalization occurs, they may express slightly more verbal hostility than usual. It is possible that their inability to openly, spontaneously and at the appropriate moment verbalize hostility towards the person towards whom he feels it is an element of predisposition to depression. Their tendency to “deny” the badness of significant others and to selectively perceive them so that they do not experience conscious anger and depression may be more pronounced during remission, a period free of symptoms.”

In the last two decades, there has been an increase in interest in this issue in domestic clinical psychology. Several authors have examined the relationship between aggression, hostility, and depression using self-report methods.

Testing G. Ammon’s concept using the Russian version of the “I-structural test” showed that the deficit version of aggression is accompanied by the presence of “neurotic traits” that are very close to depressive and anxious symptoms - experiences of joylessness and hopelessness, increased lability of emotional processes, fixation on bodily sensations with exaggerated anxiety about health and excessive self-control.

Another domestic study recorded a number of results that are in good agreement with the above data from A. Friedman. A.A. Abramova examined 87 patients suffering from depressive disorders within the framework of mood disorders, schizophrenia and personality disorders. According to the results of the Bass-Darki method, this heterogeneous group was characterized by significantly higher rates of suspicion, resentment, and hostility compared to healthy subjects. In terms of the total indicator of aggression, no significant differences were established between sick and healthy subjects. A connection was recorded between the indicators of the Bassa-Darka technique and the severity of the depressive state: in patients with severe depression, suspicion, resentment and hostility were significantly higher than in the group with minimal depression. Finally, patients with personality disorders showed higher rates of physical aggression compared to the other two groups included in the study.

In general, many studies using self-report scales have found similar results: compared to healthy subjects, depressed patients are characterized by more intense feelings of anger. At the same time, they are characterized by a pronounced desire to suppress anger. Open manifestations of anger and aggression are observed in this group of people less often than normal, or with the same frequency. This trend was documented in a fundamental review by L. Feldman and H. Gotlib.

However, in very recent years, data have been obtained that do not fit into this picture. The main source of these data were studies aimed at studying hostility in various forms of depressive disorders.

An example of this type of work is the clinical study of A.V. Waksman, in which, based on a cluster analysis of the results of 100 middle-aged patients with depressive disorders who filled out the aggression scale of the Social Dysfunction and Aggression Scale and the Bass and Darkey questionnaire, a group of patients with a high level of aggressive and hostile manifestations. Patients in this group were characterized by a number of features: young people with secondary education predominated among them, they had a high level of organic and endocrine burden, their personality profile was clearly dominated by features of histrionic and borderline disorders, the leading affect was represented by anxiety. The author established connections between indicators of aggression and hostility and disorders of socio-psychological functioning in the sphere of interpersonal responsibilities, communication, and the sexual sphere. A number of patients in this group and in the premorbid period showed both active, extrapunitive forms of aggression and hostility (in the form of suspicion), and intrapunitive forms in the form of suicidal tendencies and self-harming actions. Effective treatment of these patients required a combination of antidepressants with sedative antipsychotics.

The undoubted value of this work lies in clarifying the sociodemographic, clinical and personal characteristics of patients with “angry depression” described within the framework of the “serotonin hypothesis”. However, in our opinion, this work lacks a statistical procedure that would allow us to assess the contribution of each factor (depression itself, organic burden, endocrine burden, borderline personality disorder traits) to the dispersion of indicators of aggression and hostility. The lack of these data, as well as comparisons with a group of healthy individuals, does not allow us to definitively clarify the relationships between depression, aggression and hostility. The question of whether high rates of overtly displayed aggression and hostility are characteristic of depression as such remains open.

Finally, in recent years, research has emerged hostility in depressive disorders, based on the modern understanding of the term.

Thus, within the framework of the “Predispositional Psychosocial Model of Hostility and Depression,” a 19-year longitudinal study was conducted. At its initial stage, 6484 subjects were examined, at the end point - 3639 subjects, 15% of whom showed signs of depressive mood. The results showed that cynical hostility and distrust of people, assessed in midlife using the Cook-Medley scale, may be predictors of depression in early aging. High levels of hostility have been associated with a number of sociodemographic (lower socioeconomic classes and non-European race), clinical (greater severity of general psychopathology) and psychosocial (narrow social network size, social isolation and more stressful life events) variables.

The “predispositional cognitive model of hostility and depression” also found empirical support in a population-based study of university students. Two groups of subjects were compared - those who had a history of depressive episodes (the “high-risk” group) and those who did not. High levels of hostility and anger turned out to be informative signs that reliably predict whether a subject belongs to the group of “increased risk of developing depression.” Risk group subjects also demonstrated special coping strategies in the form of a tendency to “blame oneself for negative incidents,” “blame others,” and “seek social support.” The combination of these factors - intense anger, high hostility, a tendency to blame oneself and others, and influxes of negative thoughts - creates “interpersonal storms”, interferes with receiving the desired support and sharply increases the likelihood of depression in the risk group.

However, the modelers point out a number of important limitations of their research: 1) both models have so far been tested only in population samples; 2) they did not involve subjects with clinical forms of depressive disorders. The validity of transferring these conclusions to clinical samples requires further confirmation.

Exploring the relationships between anger, hostility, aggression and anxiety disorders was started in the last two decades, which is due to their relatively recent appearance of the corresponding headings in diagnostic classifications.

The first and most significant work of this kind was a comparative study by M. Dadds and his colleagues, which assessed hostility in four groups of patients - with panic disorder, agoraphobia and panic disorder, generalized anxiety disorder and social phobia. The groups did not differ in the level of extrapunitive hostility, however, significant differences were found in the intropunitive form of this trait: patients with social phobia showed the maximum amount of self-criticism, followed by patients with agoraphobia and generalized anxiety disorder. Minimal levels of intropunitive hostility were found to be characteristic of patients with panic disorder. The concept of hostility was used in this work synonymously with the term "aggression".

Several studies have found opposite results. For example, according to M. Fava and his colleagues, rates of hostility are significantly higher in anxiety-phobic disorders compared to the norm. These authors showed that high hostility and irritability are characteristic symptoms of panic disorder with agoraphobia and can be addressed through psychotherapy.

A very recent study assessed differences in the experience and expression of anger in five groups of subjects - patients with anxiety disorders (panic disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, social phobia, simple phobias) and healthy controls. Patients with panic, obsessive-compulsive disorder, as well as patients with social phobia demonstrated a significantly greater tendency to experience anger than healthy subjects. Patients with panic disorder had significantly higher rates of angry aggression compared to healthy subjects and patients with OCD. Patients with social phobia were characterized by significantly reduced verbal aggression compared to healthy individuals. However, the differences found disappeared when the contribution of depressive symptoms was controlled.

The results presented in this paragraph clearly indicate that the results of research on anger, hostility and aggression in anxiety disorders are clearly contradictory.

At the end of this section, it should be noted that the number studies comparing measures of anger, hostility, and aggression in depressive and anxiety disorders very limited. In one of the rare studies of this kind, it was found that indicators of internalized (self-directed) anger, as well as difficulties in controlling anger, serve as predictors of both depression and anxiety. However, externalized anger also turned out to be a specific predictor of depression, which was not recorded for anxiety. The study authors believe that diagnosing anger and hostility, particularly the tendency to turn anger on the self, should become an important target in the diagnosis and treatment of both depressive and anxiety disorders.

At the moment, there is clear research evidence that could serve as arguments in the dispute between supporters “unitary” and “pluralistic” models There are no correlations between depression and anxiety.

2.2. Assessment of hostility and aggressiveness in natural communications of patients with depressive disorders using observational methods

The uncertainty in the issue being studied is enhanced by another circumstance: there is a sharp discrepancy between the data obtained by self-report methods and observation methods.

Thus, a multidimensional diagnosis of hostility in a group of 40 patients with depressive disorders revealed discrepancies in the manifestations of hostility in different situations. Depressed patients were cooperative during the initial interview and did not appear hostile at all. During this interview, they did acknowledge moderate hostility towards other people. Comparison of their psychometric indicators with those of healthy individuals revealed that depressed patients practice much more hostile behavior with other people. This hostility became even more intense towards those with whom the patients had close relationships, in particular their husbands and children.

A British study examined the natural communication of inpatients suffering from depressive disorders. A 20-minute video recording of the patients' conversations with their partners during the visit was made. Similar video surveillance was carried out in one of the hospital's surgical departments. A careful analysis of video recordings of communications between patients and their spouses shows: depressed patients show significantly more open aggression towards their partner than patients experiencing such powerful stress as surgery, and than healthy subjects.

In our opinion, video observation data cannot be considered as unambiguous evidence of increased verbal aggression or aggressiveness in depressed patients. They allow for several alternative interpretations: 1) there is a shift of aggression to a relatively safe object (it is known that partners of patients with affective disorders are significantly less likely to initiate divorce than persons from the general population); 2) increased aggression towards a partner may be not so much an individual characteristic of patients, but a reflection of the style of emotional communication in a couple, thus being a systemic phenomenon. The principle of “circularity of communications” allows us to interpret the results of British observers as signs of general marital distress. It also requires studying the communicative maneuvers by which men provoke overt aggressive behavior in partners who are potentially averse to such behavior.

However, attempts have been made to explain the above discrepancy in the results of empirical studies of aggression in depressed patients. L. Goldman and D. Haaga conducted a study to test whether this discrepancy was the result of: a) differences in the methods used (self-report/video recording); b) differences in the target of aggression (people “in general”/spouse). Married patients diagnosed with “major depression” and “dysthymia” filled out two versions of a questionnaire testing the intensity of the subjective experience of anger, the tendency to suppress anger, and the open expression of anger. The first version of the questionnaire was focused on marital relationships, the second - on interpersonal contacts in general. The subjects also filled out two similar versions of a questionnaire testing fears of various consequences of angry expression. The results of the study showed that depressed patients experience significantly more intense anger towards their partner than healthy subjects. At the same time, they are characterized by a significantly more pronounced tendency to suppress anger, both in family life and in communication with other people. In the group of patients, there is also a more intense fear of the consequences of aggression (both in communication with the spouse and with other people). However, their indicator of “anger expression in marital relationships” is significantly higher than that of healthy individuals. The authors find the following explanation for the data obtained: in marital relationships, the level of experience of anger in depressed patients is so high that even with powerful suppression, its expression will be significant.

This study cannot be considered as fully explaining the discrepancies in the experimental data, since it used only one method of collecting information - self-report scales.

2.3. Assessment of hostility and aggressiveness in patients with depressive and anxiety disorders using projective methods

Projective methods have great advantages in diagnosing such unpleasant personality traits as hostility and aggressiveness. Domestic researchers, using the projective “Hand” test by A. Wagner, the drawing test of frustration tolerance by A. Rosenzweig, and the Rorschach test, have established a number of phenomena.

According to the Hand test, patients with depression are characterized by significantly higher proactive aggressiveness aimed at objects than healthy subjects. The compared groups do not differ in the level of proactive aggressiveness directed at people. The author interprets data on a high level of potential aggression towards objects (inanimate objects) in depressed patients from the perspective of the frustration theory of aggression - fear of punishment from others, fear of disapproval from others give rise to the phenomenon of “displacement of aggression” to a potentially safe object. There is a correlation between the obtained data and indicators of the severity of depression: in patients with severe forms of depression, proactive aggressiveness directed at people is significantly higher than in mildly ill patients. When comparing two groups of depressed patients, distinguished by the indicator “duration of illness,” data were obtained indicating a decrease in proactive and reactive aggressiveness as depressive disorders progress. The author explains the discovered pattern by the effects of psychopharmacotherapy, as well as hypothetical personal and emotional changes caused by affective illness.

E.T. Sokolova and Y.A. Kochetkov examined 24 patients with panic disorder and agoraphobia using the Rorschach test. The level of hostility in patients was significantly higher than normal. The patients' object relations were closer to the pole of immaturity and dependence, with the theme of the evil power of one image over another being expressed. The patients' object relations were focused on the so-called. “conflict of dependence”: the desire for dependence on others and the simultaneous desire for independence and freedom from power and control.

The study authors conclude that in symbiotic relationships, primitive dependence is the cause of high levels of anxiety and hostility. It should be noted that the data obtained by the authors, as well as the interpretations they made, are fully consistent with the psychodynamic model of panic disorder.

Finally, another group of domestic researchers, using an original hostility test, obtained data in representative samples of patients with depressive and anxiety disorders. The indicators of the studied trait in the patient groups turned out to be significantly higher than similar indicators of healthy individuals. No significant differences were established between the patient groups. These results suggest that patients hold a deeply negative view of the moral qualities of other people: they perceive them as dominant and envious, inclined to rejoice in the misfortunes of others (thus strengthening self-esteem), despising “weakness,” disrespecting those who seek help, indifferent and cold, not inclined to compassion for people and helping them. At the same time, the level of severity of aggressiveness in these patients did not exceed that of healthy subjects (data from the “Hand” test). Interpersonal dependence with an intense need for contact acted as a mechanism for containing aggression. Patients with depressive and anxiety disorders use different strategies to maintain dependency relationships: in depressed patients, the pattern of compliance and subordination is more present, in patients with anxiety disorders, demonstrativeness is more developed . A fixed combination of characteristics (intense irritation, hostility towards other people with normative indicators of open forms of aggression and blockade of aggressiveness due to interpersonal dependence) can cause constant tension, uncomfortable mental and somatic well-being, increased passive (indirect) forms of aggressive behavior, and psychosomatic disorders.

In general, the results of the cited studies are quite close: patients with depressive and anxiety disorders are characterized by high hostility, however, the open implementation of aggressive impulses is difficult due to dependence on other people. In depressed patients, aggression is discharged in the form of less dangerous aggression towards objects; in patients with panic disorder, it is transformed into physical sensations during panic attacks.

Conclusion

Considering the history of studying the issue of the specifics of anger, aggression and hostility in emotional disorders, it is necessary to note a certain deformation, which arose in this research direction. This deformation consists, in our opinion, in the following. The powerful influence of psychodynamic concepts has led to research predominantly focusing on the directionality of anger and aggression in emotional disorders. The question “ANGER IN or ANGER OUT???” could be the title of many monotonous foreign publications that have regularly appeared in special editions for the last 50 years. Paradoxically, the concentration on this issue, bordering on mania, has not yet led to any more or less consistent conclusions.

On the one hand, this suggests the conclusion that that both depressed and anxious patients are characterized by an intense and well-conscious experience of anger, combined with a tendency to suppress its overt expression and a deficit in the skills of constructive aggression. On the other hand, this conclusion cannot be considered final:

a) certain forms of depressive and anxiety disorders have been established, in which there is a tendency to open, frequent and intense expression of anger, as well as physical and verbal aggression. Sociodemographic, clinical and personal characteristics of patients with angry depression need further clarification. There are indications of the predominance of young people in this category, pronounced signs of organic and endocrine burden, a connection with bipolarity, and a clear predominance of histrionic and borderline traits in the personal profile of patients.

b) there is a discrepancy between the data recorded by different methods. The results of the self-report scales confirm the stated conclusion; observational data on natural communications of depressed patients (for example, with marriage partners) indicate a high level of aggression openly displayed in communication. In our opinion, using a systematic approach could eliminate this contradiction.

The most unfavorable thing for the constructive development of this field of knowledge was the disappearance from the field of view of researchers of several fundamentally important issues.

There is a dearth of research on hostility in the modern definition of the term, which narrows the term to “negative cognitive attitudes towards other people.” Studies focused on studying this subjective picture of the social world in patients with depressive and anxiety disorders have begun recently and are therefore few in number. At the same time, data on the negative impact of hostility on the effectiveness of treatment of depressive and anxiety disorders, as well as on indicators of somatic health in people with symptoms of depression, make this research direction particularly relevant.

It remains unclear whether high hostility is a stable personality characteristic of patients with depressive and anxiety disorders? Many authors have documented a relationship between indicators of hostility and anger and the severity of depression. In light of these data, the point of view of M. Balint and other authors may prevail, considering hostility as a secondary reaction to severe emotional illness and not playing any causal role in its occurrence. According to A. Beck’s theory, a depressive state is characterized by a “negative cognitive triad” - a negative view of one’s own personality, the future and the world as a whole. From these positions, “the tendency to endow objects of the social world with negative qualities” (the so-called “hostile picture of the world”) may turn out to be a component of the affective state, and not a persistent personal characteristic. There is also a strong opinion that hostility is a universal factor in mental pathology, nonspecific for emotional disorders.

There is a shortage of comparative studies of anger, hostility and aggression in depressive and anxiety disorders, which could provide new arguments in the debate between representatives of the “unitary” and “pluralistic” models of the relationship between depression and anxiety.

One of the least studied, and at the same time very important, aspects of the problem are the mechanisms that inhibit the manifestations of anger and aggression in patients with depressive and anxiety disorders. The importance of this aspect of the functioning of aggression is defended by domestic experts. For a long time, authors of the psychodynamic direction considered dependence on the object of aggression as such mechanisms. However, concepts from more recent years have offered additional interpretations containing powerful explanatory potential. For example, A.B. Kholmogorova showed that these patients are characterized by special value systems that prohibit the experience and open expression of anger. The author explains the origin of these attitudes by a complex of factors in the macrosocial (cultural stereotypes) and microsocial (family norms and communications) environment. Within the framework of the “metacognitive direction,” the doctrine of the so-called “emotional cognitive schemas” (subjective theories of emotions), which may include beliefs about the inadmissibility and harmfulness of a number of emotions, including anger; It has been hypothesized that patients with depressive and anxiety disorders adhere to special “emotional schemas.” These phenomena have clearly not been studied enough.

The least studied aspect of the problem is the connection between hostility and aggression with stress and ways of coping with it, while the phenomenology of these psychological qualities itself can serve as a basis for the corresponding hypotheses.

However, it would be biased not to note the emergence in the last decade of a number of pre-dispositional models that consider hostility in the context of a wide range of characteristics - stressful events, social support, coping strategies, thinking patterns, family functioning.

At the end of the article, it is appropriate to cite the statement of G. Pohlmeier: “The discussion regarding aggression, and at the same time depression, today is still or - let’s say - again very relevant.”

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Garanyan N.G. Theoretical models and empirical studies of hostility in depressive and anxiety disorders. [Electronic resource] // Medical psychology in Russia: electronic. scientific magazine 2011. N 2..mm.yyyy).

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-- [ Page 1 ] --

As a manuscript

Kholmogorova Alla Borisovna

THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL BASES

INTEGRATIVE PSYCHOTHERAPY

AFFECTIVE SPECTRUM DISORDERS

19.00.04 – Medical psychology

dissertations for an academic degree

Doctor of Psychology

Moscow – 2006

The work was carried out at the Federal State Institution “Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Federal Agency for Health and Social Development”

Scientific consultant– Doctor of Medical Sciences,

Professor Krasnov V.N.

Official opponents– Doctor of Psychology,

Professor Nikolaeva V.V.

Doctor of Psychology

Dozortseva E.G.

Doctor of Medical Sciences,

Professor Eidemiller E.G.

Lead institution- St. Petersburg psychoneurological

Institute named after V.M. Bekhtereva

The defense will take place on December 27, 2006 at 14:00 at a meeting of the Dissertation Academic Council D 208.044.01 at the Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Federal Agency for Health and Social Development at the address: 107076, Moscow, st. Poteshnaya, 3

The dissertation can be found at the Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Federal Agency for Health and Social Development

Scientific secretary

Dissertation Council

Candidate of Medical Sciences Dovzhenko T.V.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF WORK

Relevance. The relevance of the topic is associated with a significant increase in the number of affective spectrum disorders in the general population, among which depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders are the most epidemiologically significant. In terms of prevalence, they are the undisputed leaders among other mental disorders. According to various sources, they affect up to 30% of people visiting clinics and from 10 to 20% of people in the general population (J.M.Chignon, 1991, W.Rief, W.Hiller, 1998; P.S.Kessler, 1994; B.T.Ustun, N. Sartorius, 1995; H.W. Wittchen, 2005; A.B. Smulevich, 2003). The economic burden associated with their treatment and disability constitutes a significant part of the budget in the health care system of different countries (R. Carson, J. Butcher, S. Mineka, 2000; E.B. Lyubov, G.B. Sargsyan, 2006; H.W. Wittchen, 2005). Depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders are important risk factors for the emergence of various forms of chemical dependence (H.W. Wittchen, 1988; A.G. Goffman, 2003) and, to a large extent, complicate the course of concomitant somatic diseases (O.P. Vertogradova, 1988; Yu.A. Vasyuk, T.V. Dovzhenko, E.N. Yushchuk, E.L. Shkolnik, 2004; V.N. Krasnov, 2000; E.T. Sokolova, V.V. Nikolaeva, 1995)



Finally, depressive and anxiety disorders are the main risk factor for suicide, in terms of the number of which our country ranks among the first (V.V. Voitsekh, 2006; Starshenbaum, 2005). Against the backdrop of socio-economic instability in recent decades in Russia, there has been a significant increase in the number of affective disorders and suicides among young people, elderly people, and able-bodied males (V.V. Voitsekh, 2006; Yu.I. Polishchuk, 2006). There is also an increase in subclinical emotional disorders, which are included within the boundaries of affective spectrum disorders (H.S. Akiskal et al., 1980, 1983; J. Angst et al, 1988, 1997) and have a pronounced negative impact on quality of life and social adaptation.

The criteria for identifying different variants of affective spectrum disorders, the boundaries between them, the factors of their occurrence and chronicity, targets and methods of assistance are still debatable (G. Winokur, 1973; W. Rief, W. Hiller, 1998; A. E. Bobrov, 1990; O.P.Vertogradova, 1980, 1985; V.N.Krasnov, 2003; G.P.Panteleeva, 1998; 2003). Most researchers point to the importance of an integrated approach and the effectiveness of a combination of drug therapy and psychotherapy in the treatment of these disorders (O.P. Vertogradova, 1985; A.E. Bobrov, 1998; A.Sh. Tkhostov, 1997; M. Perrez, U. Baumann , 2005; W. Senf, M. Broda, 1996, etc.). At the same time, in different areas of psychotherapy and clinical psychology, various factors of the mentioned disorders are analyzed and specific targets and tasks of psychotherapeutic work are identified (B.D. Karvasarsky, 2000; M. Perret, U. Bauman, 2002; F.E. Vasilyuk, 2003, etc. .).

Within the framework of attachment theory, system-oriented family and dynamic psychotherapy, disruption of family relationships is indicated as an important factor in the emergence and course of affective spectrum disorders (S. Arietti, J. Bemporad, 1983; D. Bowlby, 1980, 1980; M. Bowen, 2005 ; E.G.Eidemiller, Yustitskis, 2000; E.T.Sokolova, 2002, etc.). The cognitive-behavioral approach emphasizes skill deficits, disturbances in information processing processes and dysfunctional personal attitudes (A.T.Beck, 1976; N.G. Garanyan, 1996; A.B. Kholmogorova, 2001). Within the framework of social psychoanalysis and dynamically oriented interpersonal psychotherapy, the importance of disrupting interpersonal contacts is emphasized (K. Horney, 1993; G. Klerman et al., 1997). Representatives of the existential-humanistic tradition highlight the violation of contact with one’s internal emotional experience, the difficulties of its awareness and expression (K. Rogers, 1997).

All the mentioned factors of occurrence and the resulting targets of psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders do not exclude, but complement each other, which necessitates the integration of various approaches when solving practical problems of providing psychological assistance. Although the task of integration is increasingly coming to the fore in modern psychotherapy, its solution is hampered by significant differences in theoretical approaches (M. Perrez, U. Baumann, 2005; B. A. Alford, A. T. Beck, 1997; K. Crave, 1998; A. J. Rush, M. Thase, 2001; W. Senf, M. Broda, 1996; A. Lazarus, 2001; E. T. Sokolova, 2002), which makes it relevant to develop theoretical foundations for the synthesis of accumulated knowledge. It should also be noted that there is a lack of comprehensive objective empirical research confirming the importance of various factors and the resulting targets of assistance (S.J.Blatt, 1995; K.S.Kendler, R.S.Kessler, 1995; R.Kellner, 1990; T.S.Brugha, 1995, etc.). Finding ways to overcome these obstacles is an important independent scientific task, the solution of which involves the development of methodological means of integration, conducting comprehensive empirical studies of the psychological factors of affective spectrum disorders and the development of scientifically based integrative methods of psychotherapy for these disorders.

Purpose of the study. Development of theoretical and methodological foundations for the synthesis of knowledge accumulated in different traditions of clinical psychology and psychotherapy, a comprehensive empirical study of the system of psychological factors of affective spectrum disorders with the identification of targets and the development of principles of integrative psychotherapy and psychoprevention of depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders.

Research objectives.

  1. Theoretical and methodological analysis of models of occurrence and methods of treatment of affective spectrum disorders in the main psychological traditions; justification of the need and possibility of their integration.
  2. Development of methodological foundations for the synthesis of knowledge and integration of methods of psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders.
  3. Analysis and systematization of existing empirical studies of psychological factors of depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders based on the multifactorial psycho-social model of affective spectrum disorders and the four-aspect model of the family system.
  4. Development of a methodological complex aimed at the systematic study of macrosocial, family, personal and interpersonal factors of emotional disorders and affective spectrum disorders.
  5. Conducting an empirical study of patients with depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders and a control group of healthy subjects based on a multifactorial psycho-social model of affective spectrum disorders.
  6. Conducting a population-based empirical study aimed at studying macrosocial factors of emotional disorders and identifying high-risk groups among children and youth.
  7. Comparative analysis of the results of studies of various population and clinical groups, as well as healthy subjects, analysis of connections between macrosocial, family, personal and interpersonal factors.
  8. Identification and description of the system of targets for psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders, based on data from theoretical and methodological analysis and empirical research.
  9. Formulation of the basic principles, objectives and stages of integrative psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders.
  10. Determination of the main tasks of psychoprophylaxis of emotional disorders in children at risk.

Theoretical and methodological foundations of the work. The methodological basis of the study is the systemic and activity-based approaches in psychology (B.F. Lomov, A.N. Leontiev, A.V. Petrovsky, M.G. Yaroshevsky), the bio-psycho-social model of mental disorders, according to which the emergence and in the course of mental disorders, biological, psychological and social factors are involved (G. Engel, H. S. Akiskal, G. Gabbard, Z. Lipowsky, M. Perrez, Yu. A. Aleksandrovsky, I. Ya. Gurovich, B. D. Karvasarsky, V. N. Krasnov), ideas about non-classical science as focused on solving practical problems and integrating knowledge from the perspective of these problems (L.S. Vygotsky, V.G. Gorokhov, V.S. Stepin, E.G. Yudin, N. L.G. Alekseev, V.K. Zaretsky), cultural and historical concept of mental development by L.S. Vygotsky, concept of mediation by B.V. Zeigarnik, ideas about the mechanisms of reflexive regulation in normal and pathological conditions (N.G. Alekseev, V. K. Zaretsky, B.V. Zeigarnik, V.V. Nikolaeva, A.B. Kholmogorova), a two-level model of cognitive processes developed in cognitive psychotherapy by A. Beck.

Object of study. Models and factors of mental norm and pathology and methods of psychological assistance for affective spectrum disorders.

Subject of research. Theoretical and empirical foundations for the integration of various models of the occurrence and methods of psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders.

Research hypotheses.

  1. Different models of the emergence and methods of psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders focus on different factors; the importance of their comprehensive consideration in psychotherapeutic practice necessitates the development of integrative models of psychotherapy.
  2. The developed multifactorial psycho-social model of affective spectrum disorders and the four-aspect family system model allow us to consider and study macrosocial, family, personal and interpersonal factors as a system and can serve as a means of integrating various theoretical models and empirical studies of affective spectrum disorders.
  3. Macrosocial factors such as social norms and values ​​(the cult of restraint, success and perfection, gender role stereotypes) affect the emotional well-being of people and can contribute to the occurrence of emotional disorders.
  4. There are general and specific psychological factors of depressive, anxiety and somatoform disorders associated with different levels (family, personal, interpersonal).
  5. The developed model of integrative psychotherapy for affective spectrum disorders is an effective means of psychological assistance for these disorders.

Research methods.

1. Theoretical and methodological analysis – reconstruction of conceptual schemes for studying affective spectrum disorders in various psychological traditions.

2. Clinical-psychological – study of clinical groups using psychological techniques.

3. Population - study of groups from the general population using psychological techniques.

4. Hermeneutic - qualitative analysis of interview data and essays.

5. Statistical - the use of mathematical statistics methods (when comparing groups, the Mann-Whitney test was used for independent samples and the Wilcoxon T-test for dependent samples; to establish correlations, the Spearman correlation coefficient was used; to validate methods - factor analysis, test-retest, coefficient - Cronbach's, Guttman Split-half coefficient; multiple regression analysis was used to analyze the influence of variables). For statistical analysis, the software package SPSS for Windows, Standard Version 11.5, Copyright © SPSS Inc., 2002, was used.

6. Method of expert assessments – independent expert assessments of interview data and essays; expert assessments of the characteristics of the family system by psychotherapists.

7. Follow-up method - collecting information about patients after treatment.

The developed methodological complex includes the following blocks of methods in accordance with the levels of research:

1) family level – family emotional communications questionnaire (FEC, developed by A.B. Kholmogorova together with S.V. Volikova); structured interviews “Scale of stressful events in family history” (developed by A.B. Kholmogorova together with N.G. Garanyan) and “Parental criticism and expectations” (RKO, developed by A.B. Kholmogorova together with S.V. Volikova), test family system (FAST, developed by T.M. Gehring); essay for parents “My Child”;

2) personal level – questionnaire of prohibition of expressing feelings (ZVCh, developed by V.K. Zaretsky together with A.B. Kholmogorova and N.G. Garanyan), Toronto Alexithymia Scale (TAS, developed by G.J. Taylor, adaptation by D.B. Eresko , G.L. Isurina et al.), emotional vocabulary test for children (developed by J.H. Krystal), emotion recognition test (developed by A.I. Toom, modified by N.S. Kurek), emotional vocabulary test for adults ( developed by N.G. Garanyan), perfectionism questionnaire (developed by N.G. Garanyan together with A.B. Kholmogorova and T.Yu. Yudeeva); physical perfectionism scale (developed by A.B. Kholmogorova together with A.A. Dadeko); hostility questionnaire (developed by N.G. Garanyan together with A.B. Kholmogorova);

  1. interpersonal level – social support questionnaire (F-SOZU-22, developed by G.Sommer, T.Fydrich); structured interview “Moscow Integrative Social Network Questionnaire” (developed by A.B. Kholmogorova together with N.G. Garanyan and G.A. Petrova); test for the type of attachment in interpersonal relationships (developed by C. Hazan, P. Shaver).

To study psychopathological symptoms, we used the severity of psychopathological symptoms questionnaire SCL-90-R (developed by L.R. Derogatis, adapted by N.V. Tarabrina), the depression questionnaire (BDI, developed by A.T. Beck et al., adapted by N.V. Tarabrina), the anxiety questionnaire ( BAI, developed by A.T.Beck and R.A.Steer), Childhood Depression Inventory (CDI, developed by M.Kovacs), Personal Anxiety Scale (developed by A.M. Prikhozhan). To analyze factors at the macrosocial level when studying risk groups from the general population, the above methods were selectively used. Some of the methods were developed specifically for this study and were validated in the laboratory of clinical psychology and psychotherapy of the Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Russian Health Service.

Characteristics of the examined groups.

The clinical sample consisted of three experimental groups of patients: 97 patients with depressive disorders , 90 patients with anxiety disorders, 52 patients with somatoform disorders; two control groups of healthy subjects included 90 people; groups of parents of patients with affective spectrum disorders and healthy subjects included 85 people; samples of subjects from the general population included 684 school-age children, 66 parents of schoolchildren and 650 adult subjects; The additional groups included in the study to validate the questionnaires included 115 people. A total of 1929 subjects were examined.

The study involved employees of the laboratory of clinical psychology and psychotherapy of the Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Russian Health Service: Ph.D. leading researcher N.G. Garanyan, researchers S.V. Volikova, G.A. Petrova, T.Yu. Yudeeva, as well as students of the department of the same name of the Faculty of Psychological Counseling of the Moscow City Psychological and Pedagogical University A.M. Galkina, A. A. Dadeko, D. Yu. Kuznetsova. A clinical assessment of the patients’ condition in accordance with ICD-10 criteria was carried out by a leading researcher at the Moscow Research Institute of Psychiatry of the Russian Health Service, Ph.D. T.V. Dovzhenko. A course of psychotherapy was prescribed to patients according to indications in combination with drug treatment. Statistical processing of the data was carried out with the participation of Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences, Ph.D. M.G. Sorokova and Candidate of Chemical Sciences O.G. Kalina.

Reliability of results is ensured by a large volume of survey samples; using a set of methods, including questionnaires, interviews and tests, which made it possible to verify the results obtained using individual methods; using methods that have undergone validation and standardization procedures; processing the obtained data using methods of mathematical statistics.

Main provisions submitted for defense

1. In existing areas of psychotherapy and clinical psychology, different factors are emphasized and different targets for working with affective spectrum disorders are identified. The current stage of development of psychotherapy is characterized by trends towards more complex models of mental pathology and the integration of accumulated knowledge based on a systematic approach. The theoretical basis for integrating existing approaches and research and identifying on this basis a system of targets and principles of psychotherapy are the multifactorial psycho-social model of affective spectrum disorders and the four-aspect model of family system analysis.

1.1. The multifactorial model of affective spectrum disorders includes macrosocial, family, personal and interpersonal levels. At the macrosocial level, factors such as pathogenic cultural values ​​and social stress are highlighted; at the family level - dysfunction of the structure, microdynamics, macrodynamics and ideology of the family system; at the personal level - disorders of the affective-cognitive sphere, dysfunctional beliefs and behavioral strategies; at the interpersonal level - the size of the social network, the presence of close trusting relationships, the degree of social integration, emotional and instrumental support.